Intoxicating Liquor Bill, 2000: Order for Second Stage
18th April, 2000
Mr. Cassidy: I move: "That Second Stage be taken now."
Question put and agreed to. |
In November
1997 a new Joint Committee on Justice, Equality and
Women's Rights was established and in January 1998 it
appointed a sub-committee on legislation and security,
again chaired by Deputy Flanagan, to continue the review
of the liquor licensing laws which had been commenced by
the former sub-committee. It was my pleasure and
privilege to join that sub-committee in January 1998. The
task given to the sub-committee was to finish the work of
its predecessor and introduce a report at the earliest
possible date. The sub-committee completed its work late
in June 1998 and the report was published and presented
to the Minister at that time. I am glad that many of the
recommendations in the sub-committee's report are
reflected in the Bill before us. However, I must point
out that many other worthwhile and germane
recommendations are not included, and that is a great
pity. The governing principles that inform public policy in relation to the consumption of intoxicating liquor had to be identified by the committee and its sub-committee. It was around these principles that the sub-committee constructed its work. I am sure the Chair will permit me to recite these principles, lengthy as they are, for the information of the House because it is important in setting the tone for today's debate that they should be referred to. The committee saw it as its governing principle that the retail sale of intoxicating liquor for all on-premises consumption serves an important leisure function and contributes to the enhancement of the national tourism product. The operation of a licensed premises possesses constitutionally protected rights in relation to the owners of these businesses and licence holders. Given that intoxicating liquor involves the use of a drug, the immoderate consumption of liquor can provide a range of undesirable individual, family, workplace and social consequences from which the individual, family, workplace and society should, as far as practicable, be protected. The public good requires the imposition of licensing controls over the operation and conduct of the retail trade in intoxicating liquor. Licensing controls should be rationally constructed and operated in accordance with these principles. That is not often the case in practice. Licensing controls should be expressed in legislation in such a way that they are unlikely to become dated and are sufficiently flexible for future application. That is a lesson we have learned from the past. These controls should be simply constructed and complexity should be avoided as far as possible. While this Bill goes some way towards getting rid of complexity, it does not go as far as it ought. Licensing controls should require obtaining initial and renewed permission from the State to operate. That is already the case. The criteria involved in granting initial and renewed permissions should reflect awareness of all matters relevant to the public consumption of liquor and should not be constrained in their scope. An applicant should demonstrate suitability of premises, fitness of character and professional competence before permission is granted to him or her to trade as a licensee. The committee felt that the permission process should be open and transparent and should be conducted in accordance with the requirements of constitutional justice. There should be an individual examination in each case of the effects of granting a new licence on all aspects of the public good involved and the onus should rest on the applicant to establish the entitlement to be a licensee. The permission process should require evidence of compliance with all the regulations but should not involve consideration of matters already covered by legal controls, such as workplace safety, building controls, fire safety, planning permission and food hygiene, to avoid duplication. Licensing controls over the retail trade in intoxicating liquor should treat similarly positioned operators equally. Protection of existing operators against loss of business or profit should not be an aspect of public policy in licensing. The granting of a liquor licence implies its reasonable use and the failure of reasonable use should entitle the State to reclaim the licence after proper procedures are followed and without payment of compensation to the person at loss. The committee also believed the public interest should be served and included in any redefinition or reform of the liquor licensing laws. The major public interest issues are curtailment and avoidance of public disorder and criminality associated with the consumption of alcohol; avoidance of public drunkenness and the misuse of alcohol; protection of the young, particularly from the evil of underage drinking; education of the public in alcohol consumption and avoidance of drunken and dangerous driving. The committee also looked at the economic, social and health issues involved. It was felt that the duty to ensure there is a reduction in the adverse impact of liquor consumption on the individual, the individual's health, family well-being, work attendance and performance in the workplace and its effects on the health service and in the economy were major considerations that could not be lost sight of in any change or reform of the law. The effects on communities and neighbourhoods were also considered. It was felt that the avoidance of nuisance and disturbance and the disruption arising from the operation of a licensed business were of great importance. The issue of the consumer, value for money and quality of product was also examined in the context of prices charged for intoxicating liquor. It was felt that prices should at all times be reasonable. There is plenty of evidence that there is a lack of price competition in the trade. It was also felt that the market should be consumer driven rather than controlled by the trade. The provision of internal and external consumer facilities should include the provision and availability of transport to bring consumers or customers safely away from premises, given the huge percentage of traffic accidents involving driving by people who had recently left a licensed premises. We looked at issues that concerned the licensee. Trading conditions should be created which seek to ensure a reasonable return for the licensee and obviate tendencies for illegal and undesirable trading such as trading long after the hours legally set down. There should be, as far as possible, avoidance of excessive competition between licensed premises. In relation to the broader issues of consumption, it was felt that taxation in prices can be legitimately used to discourage excessive consumption of liquor and anything that might artificially or unduly stimulate consumption, thereby encouraging additional consumption, should be avoided as far as possible. The other issue of the artificial monetary value of some licences and their distribution was considered. It was felt that a rational distribution of licensed premises around the country should be based on need, however defined, and should avoid both excesses and scarcities of licensed premises. Scarcity of licensed premises in one area should be a reason for granting new licences while an over-sufficiency of licences in another area should be a reason for refusing a licence. It was felt too that the avoidance of artificial value on liquor licences was paramount. The removal of the requirement to extinguish one licence in order to obtain another was also most important and I am delighted this is dealt with in the Bill. The committee felt that any future legislation which seeks to introduce reforms in the licensing law should attempt to remain true to clearly stated policy objectives which represent all elements of public concern involved in liquor consumption and that there is a strong case for incorporating these principles into law. In that regard the Bill is weak. The complex scope of current liquor licensing law is illustrated by the fact that there are approximately 25 different types of liquor licences. Ten of these are granted by the Revenue Commissioners on certification of court certificates. Another 12 are granted by the Revenue Commissioners without court certification and three are granted by the Minister through a ministerial order. Most of the law in relation to retail licences dates to the Finance Act, 1910. Indeed, finance legislation that impinges on liquor licensing is usually as out of date and inflexible as the licensing laws. Innovations after 1910 such as airports, the sale of drink on aircraft and the National Concert Hall have required special legislation to permit the serving of drink in these places because of the lack of flexibility in the 1902 and 1910 Acts. The committee made a good recommendation in this area which I regret is not followed up in this Bill. It felt there was a need to identify in law and to have licensed through the Circuit Court certain centres of leisure and entertainment and other places such as interpretative centres, leisure and sports clubs, commercial conference centres, museums, galleries, theatres and so forth as locations which may serve drink in association with other activities which are different from those of the centres which are licensed to serve drink as their main activity. I welcome the provisions in the Bill which tackle the skewed demographic distribution of licences throughout the country. There is a huge under-supply of licences in larger towns and cities, such as Dublin, Cork, Limerick and Galway. These places have grown enormously in recent years. This problem exists because the underlying licensing code dates from a time when the demographic distribution was different from now. It was the opposite. In 1902 the vast proportion of the population lived in rural areas, and Dublin and its greater suburban area had barely 200,000 people. Today there are more than one million people in the greater Dublin area. The Dublin suburb of Tallaght is a typical example that is often cited. There is a handful of licensed premises in Tallaght, even though the population of the suburb exceeds that of cities such as Galway, Waterford and Limerick. The committee made a short but relevant recommendation in response to this problem. It said that the issue of licences on the basis of consumer need should be the objective of any new licensing system. That recommendation is not well reflected in this legislation. The committee looked at licensing administration which is split between the Circuit Court and the Revenue Commissioners, with a small role for the District Court. The Circuit Court is the most important player in that it has the power to issue a certificate of entitlement, following which the Revenue Commissioners issue the licences. The committee felt it was difficult to see a case for the involvement of two such bodies and it recommended that the licensing and administration should be carried out by one body. The nature of that body and how it should go about its work was examined exhaustively and it was recommended that a specialist licensing court should be established within the Circuit Court, with permanently allocated judges who would become conversant with the wider range of issues than their schedule currently permits. It is a pity that recommendation was largely ignored in the legislation. The rules governing the renewal of a liquor licence were also considered. It was noticed that most if not all liquor licences last for one year, expiring on 30 September each year. The Revenue Commissioners renew liquor licences nowadays without any pre-court intervention. In most cases, as long as the licensee can produce an audited certificate of his turnover and a certificate of tax clearance, the licence is renewed. Objections can be made to the renewal of a licence on the basis that the business was not properly conducted during the year and that the licensee is no longer a fit person to hold a liquor licence. The committee recommended that the renewal of a liquor licence should also be the function of a special licensing court. It would make sense that a single court would have the sole authority in all licensing matters. There is a major shortcoming in the current process of objection to the renewal of a licence. One need only look at the inflexibility with which a judge of the District Court is faced if there is an objection to the renewal of a licence. He or she can only refuse to renew a licence, on the one hand, or uphold the licence, on the other. Occasionally a judge will adjourn a case but at the end of the day he or she only has the power to grant or refuse a licence. Judges should have much greater discretion in this area and a wider range of sanctions or penalties, as appropriate, available to them. There is also the difficulty of objection by a member of the public to the renewal of a licence. That can only be made at the annual renewal of licences on or shortly after 30 September each year. The committee felt that following the application at any time of the year by any ordinary member of the public to a court, based on a reasonable objection to the manner in which a premises is run, that the court should be free, if satisfied with the substance of the complaint, to order a temporary closure of the premises or to impose temporary restricted closing times on its operations. It was also felt that the licensing court, on foot of a complaint by the Garda of improper running of a premises, should be empowered to order the temporary closure of the premises for a proportionate number of hours, days, weeks or months if the objections of the Garda are upheld by the court. These recommendations are only reflected in the Bill's response to the major problem of underage drinking and the serving of alcohol to people under 18 years of age. It is a pity these wider powers are not applied in the case of objections by the public or Garda and that there is an inflexible time limit of one year in which to do so. We looked at the reasons for controlling trading hours and who should be responsible for the establishment of trading hours, in addition to the trading hours themselves to which I will refer later. This matter was the subject of lengthy examination. We looked at the general justification for imposing prohibitive trading hours on licensed premises. Despite many people in Government and others arguing to the contrary, the decision was unanimous that the control of trading hours remains relevant. Keeping these hours in place is fully justified in law in the name of the public good, which can be defined as the need to minimise public disorder, the traffic hazards caused by excessive drinking, individual health and family difficulties associated with the excessive use of alcohol and the cost of the illness burden to the State which is directly related to the use and abuse of alcohol. A large proportion of the health burden which the State has to carry is related to the use and abuse of alcohol. There is a culture of public consumption of alcohol which is quite unique in its scale. It was felt that trading hours can and do control public drunkeness. Control of trading hours minimises nuisance and neighbourhood disruptions associated with the operation of a licensed premises. It is self-evident that the operation of late night bars in or near residential areas can and will continue to cause disruption. The committee was conscious not to be overly particularist in its recommendations in this area. The encouragement of a healthier lifestyle and the moderate consumption of intoxicating liquor should be another objective of controlled hours of trading. At the end of the day, it is up to the individual to decide the amount of time he or she wishes to spend in a licensed premises and the amount of liquor he or she wishes to consume. A number of people pointed out that the controlling of hours alone will not necessarily force people to act responsibly. It was noted that there was a clear association between traffic hazards and drinking and between drinking and criminal assaults and public order incidents on the streets of our towns and cities. We had to consider whether recommending longer hours of drinking or the complete deregulation of prohibitive hours of drinking would lead to more traffic hazards, public drunkeness or public order incidents. It was felt that longer hours of drinking may not necessarily mean more problems but rather the same problems occurring later at night. Therefore, it was recommended that the total deregulation of hours of trading was not appropriate at this time but the extension of hours of drinking on three nights of the week was recommended. The issue of who should have responsibility for the establishment of trading hours was considered in some depth. Currently it is the sole responsibility of the Oireachtas. We looked at the possibility of involving local authorities, that is, from the reserve function of county councillors or the executive function of county managers, the Garda, health boards or a local fora consisting of licensees, gardaí, health officials, councillors, local community workers and so on. We considered whether it should be the sole responsibility of the District Court or the Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform by means of delegated legislation. Perhaps it might be the function of a new national liquor authority. The question of regional variations in the hours of trading was considered. However, it was concluded that there should be no change in the responsibility of the Oireachtas for setting licensing hours because it was felt local authorities, by way of the reserve function of councillors, would not work well since local authority representatives would too often be influenced by vested interest and the consequent danger that they might prove unduly generous or unduly strict in the hours they might set out. Approaching the matter by way of the executive function of the county manager was felt not to be appropriate because it would bestow on a single individual very substantial powers. It would be questionable whether the fortunes of the local licensed trade should have to depend on the views of one person, even if he or she was obliged by law to follow some established consultative procedure before setting the hours. With regard to the health boards making the decision, it was felt they might have too narrow a focus, although the views and focus of the Garda on public order, drink driving and the criminality associated with the excessive use of alcohol or the focus of the health boards on unintentional serious injury associated with alcohol and the high proportion of the disease burden directly related to excessive drinking could not be ignored by the Oireachtas. Following lengthy discussion on these aspects, no departure from the current position was agreed. On the provisions in the Bill which fixes new hours of trading, I was party to the committee's recommendation of an extension of time on Thursday, Friday and Saturday nights. There has always been an element of controversy in relation to the retail sale of drink on Sunday. Some people still argue that pubs should not open on a Sunday because of its religious significance. I welcome the streamlining of Sunday trading hours. The requirement to close between 2 p.m. and 4 p.m. was an anachronism and the committee recommended it should no longer be the case. I expressed the view at the sub-committee that Sunday night trading should be extended to 12.30 a.m. In leisure terms, Sunday night is seen by most people as similar to Friday and Saturday nights. The point is made that Monday is the first working day of the new week and that late drinking on Sunday night could lead to unusual levels of absenteeism from work on Monday. There is no evidence to show this would happen. Nobody has suggested that Friday as a working day will be adversely affected by the proposed later closing on Thursday night. The major reason offered for extending closing time on Thursday night is the demand for it by trade in Dublin. Most rural pubs favour Sunday opening in line with all other weekday nights and their point of view should prevail. The Minister has wrongly addressed the issue of under-age drinking in the Bill. I repeat what I said on the intoxicating liquor legislation enacted last December. We must do everything possible to outlaw under age drinking. Publicans who knowingly and deliberately sell intoxicating liquor to under-age persons, as set out in the 1988 Act, should be severely sanctioned by law. This should include the loss of their licence to trade. Minors, at least between the ages of 15 and 18 years, should be made amenable to the sanctions of the law if they are found purchasing alcohol for their own use, to be untruthful about their age or to have tampered with or altered in any way an identity document to procure alcohol for their own consumption. The Minister has attacked under-age drinking by placing the responsibility on the publican or the licensee by abolishing the defence of reasonable belief. This defence allows a licensee to defend him or herself in court on a charge of sale of drink to an under-age person by showing that he or she had reasonable grounds for believing that the young person was 18 years of age or over. In fairness and justice to all, the defence cannot be abolished without introducing a mandatory identity card system to be carried by every young person seeking alcohol in a pub. This law must also extend a responsibility to teenagers under the age of 18 in a way I have outlined.
Mr. Bohan: I congratulate the Minister on the preparation of this Bill. He put much work and time into it and he met practically everybody with an interest in the licensing laws. On behalf of the Dublin licensed vintners and the federation I thank him for the many times he met with us and listened to our concerns. Apart from a couple of aspects this is a very good Bill. With regard to the provision for the mandatory closure of a licensed premises because somebody under-age is caught there, the vast number - some 99.5% - of publicans in Dublin and elsewhere in the country will not tolerate serving under-age people. However, it is very hard nowadays to tell the difference between somebody who is 17 and 18 years of age, especially young women. Only yesterday a publican spoke to me about a function on his premises. It is a big premises and he had people on the door to check the identification of patrons with the instruction that nobody under 19 years of age was to be admitted. During the function a lady became inebriated, there was a row, gardaí arrived and she was taken to the Garda station. She had her identification card which showed she was 19 years of age. While she looked that age it turns out that she was 16. The introduction of the new identity cards may address this problem, but at present cards are routinely forged in all the colleges, universities, etc. The problem with the provision on under-age drinking will be most apparent in busy houses on Saturday nights where 200 or 300 people may be present. If a 30 year old man orders five drinks at the bar what is the busy barman to do? Does he leave the bar to ask for the identification of the people the man is with? It will be very hard to implement this provision and the mandatory aspect makes it draconian. I would fully agree if the matter was left to the discretion of the courts. Several establishments are abusing the current provisions. In some cases the District Judge has warned that their licences will not be renewed if there are any more complaints from the Garda. They are the best placed to realise whether a house is being run properly or not. Many of the problems arise in discos and in premises where people pay an entrance fee. Greed is involved because once the money is taken at the door those involved do not care if the patrons are 17, 18 or 19 years of age, although such instances are rare. I ask the Minister to look again at this aspect. I do not object to the closure of a place that abuses the law, but it should be left to the Circuit or District Courts to listen to the Garda and take account of those who, like the publican to which I referred, let somebody slip through despite their best efforts. I am very happy with most of the other provisions in the Bill. I am glad to see that six day licences can be converted to seven day licences for the very reasonable one-off fee of £2,500. Sunday is now one of the biggest trading days. The five year limit offers a form of protection here. I am confident the Bill will stand the test of time. While relatively short in content, it is extensive in scope. When enacted it will change the liquor licensing code. The Minister is to be congratulated on a job well done. Over the past century four major licensing legislative measures were enacted, the latest of which was the Intoxicating Liquor Act, 1999. Normally, it would be expected not to revisit the licensing laws for ten years or so, yet the rapidly changing nature of society demands a major overhaul of the licensing laws. This Bill achieves the required objective. I am aware that the delicate task of striking a balance between the many conflicting interests is not easy, yet the Minster has achieved it in the Bill. To a considerable degree it reflects the work of the sub-committee of the former Oireachtas Joint Committee on Legislation and Security, which published a comprehensive review of the liquor licensing laws two years ago. From the public's point of view the most obvious changes which the new legislation will implement cover the hours of trading. The abolition of the Sunday 2 p.m. to 4 p.m. closing is long overdue and is much welcomed, as is the decision to abolish the distinction between summer and winter time closing. There will always be a minority seeking 24 hour opening, but those of us in the trade know that such a proposal is neither socially nor economically desirable and it is not sought by the public. At first sight, the proposal to allow pubs to open until 12.30 a.m. on Thursday, Friday and Saturday followed by Sunday closing at 11 p.m. and 11.30 p.m. closing time for the rest of the week may seem confusing, but these new trading hours are rooted in sound common sense. They reflect the current pattern of public drinking practice with its emphasis on weekend drinking followed by an early finish on Sunday. These new hours will reflect the necessary balance between the demands of the public and the capacity of the trade to adequately service these demands. Likewise, on the issue of licences, there have been demands for many years, usually from the media, to deregulate the licensed trade. These demands were bolstered some time ago by a highly dubious report from the Competition Authority which, I am glad to say, the Government disregarded. Deregulation of pubs could never deliver the same benefits as would deregulation of public transport or telecommunications. Expert knowledge of the pub trade suggests it would do the opposite. In a deregulated environment, standards would fall and drink prices would rise. One only has to look at the UK pub trade, a sector in serious long-term decline, to prove my point. The Minister's proposals are based on the concept of adequacy in licensing and getting the balance right. While the trade will not be deregulated, there is a shortage of licences. This deficiency can be addressed if residents in areas where pubs are to be located do not decide to object. This is a sensible way to address the problem of licence shortage in the new growing suburbs around cities and towns. The Bill provides for restaurants to have a wine on-licence to serve beer with meals. This proposal should be carefully examined and it follows logically that it would be only a matter of time before spirits were also permitted. The Intoxicating Liquor Act, 1998, provides perfectly acceptable arrangements for the restaurant to acquire a special restaurant licence to allow for the sale of beer, wine and spirits. In this context, I fail to see the need to go further. This proposal has serious implications and I request the Minister to reconsider it. I wish to refer to what the Minister so aptly described as the scourge of teenage drinking. For as long as I can remember, both the Licensed Vintners' Association and the Vintners' Federation of Ireland have consistently refused to support any of their members found to be engaging in this unsocial and undesirable practice. Furthermore, we have actively supported measures taken by the Oireachtas and the Garda to suppress under-age drinking. I have serious reservations that the abolition of the concept of reasonable grounds, coupled with the mandatory provision of a temporary closure order would be unduly harsh in circumstances where a genuine error was made by a publican or a member of his staff. I urge the Minister to revisit this section, especially in the absence of a national identity card system, which I understand we will not see for some years. The problem might be addressed by the introduction of a commencement order and by the removal of the mandatory aspect of the temporary closure order. These reservations apart, I strongly endorse the Bill on behalf of the licensed trade. The Minister has provided us with a blueprint of legislation which is as wide-ranging as it is well thought out. It will stand the test of time. I compliment the Minister on a job well done.
Mr. Quinn: I wish to share my time with Deputy Henry.
Acting Chairman (Mr. Farrell): Is that agreed? Agreed.
Mr. Quinn: I welcome the Minister and the Bill. The introduction of the legislation in the Seanad is a welcome development. I do not agree with Senator Bohan on a number of items in this area. I welcome the general thrust of the Bill. I welcome what the Minister is attempting to achieve and I listened carefully to what he said. He said it had not been easy, that he had canvassed widely and that he did not fully satisfy everyone. That is a sign of a good Bill. If one side is satisfied, others are not. It is interesting to look at how legislation has changed over the years. The concerns about alcohol remain - the Acting Chairman has strong views and concerns and is a vocal exponent of them. However, the concerns about drugs are now greater. Perhaps it is incumbent on us in the Bill to recognise that the world has changed since previous legislation. I have a view on the Competition Authority, but I will not express it too strongly now because I know the Minister has had difficulty in satisfying as many as he could in this area. The Competition Authority has a strong point to make, which is that the interests of the consumer are catered for by less regulation in almost every area. I have expressed the view in the House that if there were no control of taxis and if anyone who wished to drive a taxi and was able to meet the safety legislation and other concerns was granted a taxi licence, we would have a much more competitive situation which would be much more in the consumer's interest. We do not have legislation for grocery shops and that creates much more competition, which is in the consumer's interest. I do not know why we need legislation for the sale of alcohol. More competition would benefit the sector, although there would certainly have to be constraints from a planning point of view. In an ideal world, in which we certainly do not live, we would not have licensing laws. I do not mean that we would not have to worry about excessive drinking, under-age drinking or problems of public order, I mean a world in which we would have the courage and perhaps the common sense to realise we could achieve all we wanted without restrictions of the type which have become a tradition in this country since the previous century. How long our way of licensing can remain a tradition is anyone's guess. It surely cannot be long before Europe takes a hand and forces us to face up to the uncompetitive situation which exists here. Much of the system exists not to protect the public but to protect various vested interests. That is why I would much prefer to see more competition. As we have heard in the past few days from various sources, our national commitment to a truly competitive marketplace is probably among the weakest in Europe. Therefore, any change is likely to be forced upon us from outside rather than rising naturally from inside Ireland. Given the situation which exists in the licensed trade, our obligation is to make the best of it and this is what the Minister is attempting to do. On that basis, I welcome the Bill. Over the past 40 years much of the thrust towards liberalisation in the licensing laws has stemmed from our wish to encourage the tourism industry, and that is as it should be. It makes no sense to attract tourists on the one hand while pushing them away with the other. Some of the quirks in our licensing laws might strike a tolerant tourist as quaint, but most of them have been a nuisance. Over the years, we have gradually pushed the boat out in terms of extending closing time. I have never been one to frequent pubs, but I remember a time when they closed at 10 p.m. and at 10.30 p.m. in the summer. It does not seem very long ago. Tourists then, who would not have been as numerous as now, must have found that inconsistent with our image as a friendly welcoming people. However, one must question to what extent that was the case. In truth, the licensing laws have been applied with varying degrees of vigour and consistency. While that may have met the needs of the time, I disagree with that approach in principle. If a law exists, it should be applied or it should be scrapped. Having a law for show which is diluted or ignored with a nod and a wink is bad because it brings the whole corpus of law into disrepute. This has especially been the case in recent years where, for a variety of reasons, people have started watching sport on Sunday afternoons at a time when, legally, pubs should be closed unless they serve meals. The law has been broken on a wide scale in this area and children have been involved in that. Young people have received the wrong kind of training in regard to the observance of the law. Ideally, this Bill should be realistic in terms of market needs and give customers what they want. In that way, there would no longer be any possible reason for wide-scale evasion. As far as opening hours are concerned, the Bill seems to be in line with the wishes of publicans and those in the tourism industry. With that will behind it, there is no reason the Bill should not be workable. However, the Bill's provisions will result in the pub day being very long and that will cause problems for staff and employers wishing to attract staff. People seem to think that if they are entitled to open for a certain length of time, they must open for that length of time, whereas shops open and close at different times. The market should decide when each pub opens and if we cannot allow pubs to close according to market needs, we should at least encourage them only to open when there is a market. There is no reason why all pubs should do the same thing. Some restaurants and shops open on a 24 hour basis whereas others do not. When I went into business, there was a law in Dublin which dictated that hairdressers and butchers had to close at six o'clock. We should have less legislation in regard to opening hours and greater flexibility. |
I want to touch on the desire to respond to market needs rather than artificial considerations and on the need for the law to be respected, not ignored by tacit agreement. Let me declare my interests in this issue and apply those principles to my own area of business. The Bill is progressive when it comes to licensing but it does not go far enough in regard to opening hours. Nowadays, drink is not only sold in pubs and off-licences attached to pubs, it is increasingly sold by businesses in which it only accounts for a small part of the total trade. This applies to supermarkets, such as the one run by my company, and increasingly to small convenience stores and petrol stations. Petrol stations are expanding into general convenience retailing and many of them have wine licences. That makes sense as many people drink a glass of wine with their meals as a matter of course. We have moved from a situation in which off-sales occurred almost exclusively in pubs to the current situation in which it is possible to purchase off-sales from a wide variety of outlets. Over the years we applied rules which were originally devised to deal with completely different circumstances. This created difficulties and the Minister seems to have availed of the opportunity to sort those out. Opening hours lie at the heart of the matter. When off-sales were exclusively from pubs, it followed that the permissible hours would more or less mirror pub opening hours. When the pubs were closed, the off-licences were also closed. However, off-licences which are located in grocery shops or petrol stations face problems. In the past, it was not sufficient in terms of the law for a shop not to sell drink outside licensing hours. The entire shop had to close, although an exception was made between 9 a.m. and 10.30 a.m. A small shop which has a wine licence could open for business at 9 a.m. but could not sell alcohol until 10.30 a.m. On one occasion in the past in the run-up to Christmas, my supermarket opened at 7.30 a.m. When a local publican complained, we discovered for the first time that we were not allowed to open before 9 a.m. because the premises were licensed. Over the years, retailers and law-makers have gone into contortions to apply common sense to this issue. One partial solution to the problem involved the restriction of the area in which alcohol was sold, but that proved very inconvenient for customers. The Minister has taken that on board and the Bill sets out to resolve the problem. However, I believe the wrong approach is taken in the Bill. A great deal of shopping is done between 9 a.m. and 10.30 a.m., largely involving people who drop their children to school and find it convenient to shop at that time. However, the law stated that they could not purchase alcohol until 10.30 a.m., by which time they would be long gone from the shops. The bad solution - similar to that which applied in regard to pub opening hours in tourist areas - was that many small shops with wine licences opened at 6 a.m., 7 a.m. and 8 a.m. to suit their customers and, although they were actually breaking the law, a blind eye was turned. That was profoundly unsatisfactory because the law was not being enforced. This Bill attacks the problem but does so in the wrong way. It returns to the old concept of setting times for entire businesses to open, rather than focusing on the sale of drink. The Bill proposes that a shop with a licence, usually a wine licence, will be able to sell drink from 8 a.m. onwards but the shop will be forbidden to open before 7.30 a.m. If a shop were to open at 6.30 a.m. or 7 a.m. to meet demand in its local area, it would break the law. I hate to see legislation going through the House which will not work and which is not sufficiently far-sighted to look to the years ahead. People working on shifts in companies such as Intel and Hewlett Packard finish work at 6 a.m. and 7 a.m. and shops open to cater to their needs. If those shops have wine licences, even though they will not sell wine until the designated time, they will no longer be able to open before 7.30 a.m. The correct approach would be to tell shops, big and small alike, that they can only sell alcohol at the permitted times and allow them to open whenever they want. All-night petrol stations which have wine licences should only sell alcohol at the designated times but should be allowed to sell petrol and other commodities. This legislation will fall into disrepute because it will not be operated in the correct manner. Technology now enables the Garda to identify the exact time a sale occurred, with the aid of computerised receipts. If a person buys a bottle of wine, other than during the permitted times, the receipt will show that. That applies in supermarkets, petrol stations and small shops. The legislation should make it very clear when it is permissible to sell alcohol and the rest of the shop should be allowed to remain open. The Minister's approach in this Bill, namely controlling the sale of drink from outlets which sell other commodities, is the wrong way to go as it puts control in the wrong place. Controls should be imposed on the selling of drink and not on the hours a shop opens its doors for business, which has nothing to do with drink. We in the supermarket business have gradually extended our opening hours in response to public demand. There is a growing demand for prolonged night openings and although that does not impinge on this problem, there is also a certain level of demand for Sunday openings. My company does not yet open on a Sunday. Some chains even experimented with opening around the clock before Christmas in order to relieve pressure. This Bill will not allow that to happen. In other countries such as America, around the clock opening is quite common. I am not encouraging that practice and I am not sure it would happen here. However, this legislation will prevent that. This issue applies more to small shops than bigger ones. Some convenience stores and petrol stations open around the clock, but under the Bill in its present form such stores and petrol stations which have wine licences would break the law by opening around the clock regardless of whether they sold drink. When I asked why these outlets were not up in arms about the Bill, I was informed that they did not make a fuss because the word is out that the law will not be applied to them. That is a real worry because, if that were the case, it would represent a major backward step for us as a law abiding nation. We want to bring everyday practice and the law closer together. Surely the era of the nod and the wink has passed. We want simple, fair and clear laws which can be enforced. It is entirely improper, quite apart from being illegal, to expect the Garda to be selective in the way they apply the law. That is not their job. We should give them solid workable laws to apply without fear or favour. In the case I am talking about there is a better and simpler way. For businesses that sell drink as a sideline the law should specify whatever time limit it chooses as to when drink may be sold, but the law should be utterly silent about when those businesses open for other trade. That is a matter that only the marketplace should be allowed to decide. In that way we would have a law that is enforceable. The present law is not enforceable in this respect and I would not for a moment expect that it would be fully enforced. That à la carte approach to law enforcement is not the kind we should be talking about in this day and age. I urge the Minister to think seriously about that matter. In respect of new licences, section 15(1) refers to "premises to which a licence was never attached". There are situations where a wine licence was held previously and now it is possible to have a full licence, so a licence was attached before. The Minister may have to look again at that reference. I fully support anything we can do to stop under-age drinking. Where alcohol accounts for a very small part of a premises' total sales, however, perhaps the removal of the licence or some other penalty for a few weeks would be a better punishment than providing the premises must close. I look forward to making a number of other points on Committee Stage.
Dr. Henry: I welcome many of the changes in the Bill. We do have a serious problem with our pub culture, but changes have been made so that licensed premises have now become more involved in serving food and the entire focus is no longer on drink. There is a problem, however, for the restaurant industry which has become confused by different legislation covering pubs and restaurants. Some attempt has been made in this Bill to level the playing field. I welcome the fact that a Bord Fáilte certificate is no longer needed. This proved to be very difficult for new restaurants setting up as they had to obtain such a certificate and it could take several months to do so. I also welcome the fact that beer can now be served in restaurants. It seemed unfortunate that while we do not make any wine of our own, wine could be served but not beer which is the basis of a substantial indigenous industry. I am also glad that the waiting area regulation no longer applies. If one is looking at a menu in a large veranda or courtyard while waiting to order a meal, it is ridiculous to claim that people are trying to run a pub in such a waiting area. It is perfectly obvious that they do not want to do anything like that. Like Senator Quinn, I am anxious about the law not being enforced. On Committee Stage I intend tabling an amendment to section 6(b) dealing with a restaurant being able to sell intoxicating liquor which states:
Suppose that someone insists on paying for the wine or whatever drinks they had before the meal? It all sounds a bit ridiculous. Subsection (b)(iv) will fall into disrepute and I hope it can be deleted because I do not see what good it will achieve. There are small matters such as that which frankly do not help the Bill. In general, I think the legislation has been improved but I worry about introducing laws which may be abused because people will take no notice of them. I am worried about under-age drinking but I am even more worried about people who are under-age working in pubs. I have found this to be very prevalent and we should tighten up the law in this area.
Miss Quill: I also welcome the Bill which is a reasonable step in the right direction. It represents the first major effort to liberalise our drinking laws, perhaps since the foundation of the State. The existing legislation had become something of a joke. It badly needed to be dismantled and something more in keeping with modern times put in its place. The previous legislation was the butt of music hall jokes as well as being celebrated in ballads and some of John B. Keane's plays. It really did not serve the best needs of the country and for that reason it is high time the legislation was overhauled. The Bill has been the object of mixed opinion. There are those who say the Minister did not go far enough, while others argue that he went too far. That is the standard greeting for any change in legislation nowadays and it is difficult to get broad public support. In overall terms, however, the Minister has struck a reasonably fair balance. When the Bill is enacted, the Minister should let the matter rest and see how the legislation works out over the next three years. He should monitor exactly how effective it is and how it is being enforced and implemented. It can be revisited if needs be. We are living in a time of extraordinarily rapid changes. These include economic changes as well as changes in population trends and drinking patterns. We can no longer feel secure that legislation will suffice for three or four generations without being re-examined and amended if necessary. The Minister should see how the legislation works out and if it achieves the intended results. If not, we should be mature enough as legislators to re-examine it. It is high time that the liquor licence application procedure was made simpler and more streamlined, and the Bill deals with that. I also welcome the provision in the Bill whereby licences that have been dormant for years will be examined. There are hundreds of such dormant licences around the country which should be activated and redistributed, if that is the correct way to proceed. We have a strange attitude to drink in this country and perhaps that is due to historical reasons. The provisions concerning guesthouses in the previous legislation were patently nonsensical for a country that is so dependent on the tourism industry for its economic success. The previous regime created obstacles for restaurants that wished to obtain liquor licences. These included a requirement to have a certain floor space. The arguments were mechanical and did not serve any real purpose. Tourists are often bewildered when they book into a guesthouse. They have come off the boat and have driven a long way. They would love a glass of wine or beer, but under the existing licensing laws they cannot have it. What do we expect of them under the law? We expect them to sit into a car, drive to the pub, have two, three or however many drinks they feel they need and then drive home. This needs to be examined. If we are serious about being able to offer a mature licensing regime to tourists, we must consider enabling guesthouses of a certain size to serve a glass of wine or beer. In these times, the bread and wine so celebrated in the Bible are still part of the nourishment and hospitality that we should be able to offer in a mature and proper way to our visitors and to ourselves when we go out for the evening. I am glad that changes have been made in the licensing laws as they have applied to restaurants in particular. Having referred to the good things about the Bill, I share everybody's concern about certain outcomes of this Bill. I am concerned, and I do not know whether this has been voiced by others, about the situation that will inevitably arise when all the pubs are emptied of a cohort of people at the same time and the implications for public order and for transport provision. The Garda have to contend with a great difficulty when hundreds of people in different states of inebriation, some highly inebriated, pour on to the streets at the same time. I do not know how one can guard against that unless one staggers closing time. I would like to see the trade itself seeking to respond to that difficulty, examining ways and means whereby perhaps closing hours can be staggered. Having a set closing time, particularly in cities, is causing huge public order problems and we should seek to re-examine the matter. Perhaps in the context of the discussion on this Bill and as it goes to Committee Stage, a Member might find a solution to that. I do not have any solutions to it. As I said, I would like the trade to respond to it. Perhaps we should consider the introduction of a noise pollution law because, without question, people suffer greatly as a result of these nocturnal eruptions, very often under their windows. At least if there was a law on noise pollution, it would strengthen the ability under law to enforce certain public order patterns. That should also be considered. Pubs are very big business. We are moving away from the nice, cosy, village pub with the romantic image we all yearn for. We all want to have a cosy pub with a snug and so on where everybody could chat and we could hear one another talking and where drinking was a relished social event. However, the move is towards very big pubs in the cities. That presents its own set of challenges. Using the planning laws and the licensing laws, we must ensure that there will not be the disruption and nuisance to neighbours. We must ensure that the concerns of neighbours who have the right to live in the suburbs, to get their night's sleep and to raise their children in an orderly fashion without disruption from the outside, will be taken fully into account when new licences are being granted or when existing ones are being renewed. That is fundamental. We must keep a balance of rights. The planning laws and licensing laws must have regard to protecting the rights of neighbours in suburban areas. At one level a great maturity is coming in to the Irish drinking habits. Ten or 15 years on a Friday in Cork city, men would go out to lunch and have half a bottle of wine. Now they go to lunch and have half a bottle of mineral water. There is a change in the attitudes among young people at work - they drink mineral water when they go out to lunch, whatever they do in the evening time, which is good. It is a sign of a society which is learning to handle itself. We need to bring about a society which can handle its drinking habits and itself. We need to do that but, unfortunately, we are many miles away from that in certain instances and, like everybody else, I am deeply concerned about the scourge of under-age drinking in the cities. I have seen many promising young people who have had their life prospects wrecked because they started drinking when they were too young and they were not able to handle themselves and one thing led to another. We cannot ignore that reality. It has been the practice before, when the owners of licensed premises were before the law for breaches of the law, there was always an attitude, particularly if it was a family owned business, that they were really bad but they could not be closed down or have the licence denied because they would robbed of their livelihood. I remember arguing as far back as ten years ago, that if the Garda were empowered to get an order and close a pub for one day or two consecutive days, it would send a very clear message to the pub owner without depriving the family of their livelihood. That is taken into account in the Bill and it is a provision of this Bill which I welcome greatly. The Garda will be able to get a temporary closure order. If that is really put into force it will make a huge difference. Not alone will the temporary closure take effect, but also the publicans will be identified. In other words they will be named and shamed. I warmly welcome these two sanctions built into this Bill. We must seek to preserve licensing laws that will serve the best needs of everybody but we must seek to protect vulnerable young people. There is a practice, mainly fed by off-licences, where young people are buying alcoholic drink. They call it "bush drinking" in Cork, where young people buy cans or six packs and take them to gang gatherings to drink, which is only the beginning of a night's destruction, sadly sometimes to themselves as well as to others. In Cork that was responded to by the making of a by-law dealing with drinking in public places. This is a very tricky issue because, given the weather, there is a great pleasure in sitting outside a restaurant on a summer evening and having a glass of wine or beer, and that should not be killed off. As against that, there is a habit among young people of buying in the off-licence - somebody who is of age buys drink on behalf of everybody else. This must be examined and maybe the context for dealing with that and eliminating it would be with by-laws made in different areas which could be enforced locally. That would be a great help. The key point I make is that we will not and cannot enforce the under-age drinking laws unless young people are required to have a standard mandatory ID card which is recognised, no matter the situation. Currently, young people are obtaining ID cards from all manner of outlets. They are falsifying their ages, which not only breaks the law but brings them into a culture of deception at a time when we are spending billions of pounds in education. We are trying to form the character of the citizens of the next generation, but they are entering a culture of deception. That should be rooted out, but we cannot enforce under-age drinking laws unless we have mandatory identity cards. No young garda can be reasonably expected to enter a bar and know the difference between someone aged 16 years and 11 months and those who are 17 or 18. That is not possible. I spent a long time teaching secondary school students of up to 18 years and once they took off their uniforms I could not tell whether they were 16 or 22. Anyone who deals with teenagers or young adults will say the same. A young barman or woman may not be much older, and certainly not much more mature, than those who ought to be challenged and one cannot expect bar workers to challenge young people without the fallback of requiring someone to produce an identity card. If this legislation is to be fully supported by parents, teachers and all who are concerned with the next generation, that measure will have to be introduced. Temporary closure of premises for one or two days, as I have mentioned, should also be considered. Those measures would go a long way towards dealing with under-age drinking. I know of night clubs where drugs are freely available. The Garda know drugs are freely available there and can see young people coming out of these places with glazed eyes, yet they are allowed to carry on trading. In fairness to Mr. Barry Galvin, who is now in charge of the CAB, he is the one person who, when on the Cork circuit, moved in and assembled enough evidence to close down one of the ongoing offending clubs in Cork. It can be done. We talk a lot about these things, but we do not put them into practice. We have the basis of a very good Bill, but it must be enforced, as enforcement of the drinking laws is a bit of a joke. I was in a certain village in a certain county last Saturday and we were discussing this Bill among ourselves. One person said that if the Bill were enacted a person in the village would have to close early. Tuigeann tú cad tá á rá agam? |
Acting
Chairman: Tuigim.
Miss Quill: This Bill rests on its enforcement. It is an honourable and honest attempt to put modern legislation in place which serves the best needs of where we now are as a society. I hope the Garda and publicans take it seriously and play their part in the correct approach, the liberalisation of our licensing laws working to the benefit of everyone.
Mr. Coghlan: I welcome the Minister of State and I welcome the Bill. As Senator Quill has said, it is an honest attempt to update a complex area of law which has long required legislative attention. Given the growth in tourism and the huge change in social patterns, the relaxation of hours of trading was needed. I agree with the system provided for granting licences for premises not hitherto licensed and the extension of the scope of licences for greyhound racetracks and racecourses. I also recognise, as other Members do, the tremendous contribution of the sub-committee of the Joint Committee on Justice, Equality and Women's Rights under the chairmanship of Deputy Flanagan, which did a lot of the ground work. The Minister recognised this in his opening remarks. It was equally important to put clubs registered under the Registration of Clubs Acts on the same footing as licensed premises for the purposes of the revised permitted hours of trade. There are many different categories of clubs and the Bill does not differentiate between sporting and other types of clubs. However, the Minister has maintained a difference, as I understand it, between licensed premises and late night drinking emporiums or clubs where there is late night entertainment, though some have argued that he should have levelled the playing pitch, except in the case of exemptions for special occasions. I welcome the provision that allows the holding of functions in clubs registered under the Registration of Clubs Acts. This relates particularly to club functions for the membership but which also may be for the wider community. That is important for GAA clubs in many rural areas. It may also be relevant to other clubs where, as stated in the explanatory memorandum, it may cover a member's retirement or a wedding anniversary celebration. Section 25, for example, provides that a team visiting a club may be registered under one name or entered en bloc by a club official. The section states that an official of the registered club being visited shall enter the name of the group concerned and the number of persons in it in the book required to be kept under paragraph (g) of section 4 of the 1904 Act. That provision is more honoured in the breach than in the observance. I frequent a number of clubs and, with one exception, I have not seen a book where one's name must be entered. However, the Minister made a judgment call to keep that provision. What plans does the Government have to update the antiquated 1904 Act? The legislation refers to Acts from 1904 to 1999, but as I understand it, the subsequent Acts refer to trading hours, a garda rather than an inspector being able to inspect premises and so on. Does the Government plan to address this area and to bring the law regarding clubs up to date? Given this Bill and the Equal Status Bill, it is logical that the Government address the matters requiring attention in this regard. I welcome the abolition of Sunday afternoon closing, which had become a complete anachronism. I cannot understand why the extension of opening times to 12.30 p.m. for Thursdays, Fridays and Saturdays should not also be applied to the other days of the week. Tourism has always been strong in my county, but it has now extended throughout the country. People on holidays are relaxing and enjoying themselves, and they often do not distinguish between one day of the week and another. If they want to go out to a pub, they may not be conscious whether it is Wednesday or Friday. I am concerned about the provisions relating to under-age persons. I share the views of other Members on the scourge of under-age drinking. However, in the absence of mandatory ID, which I would welcome, and given the clothes young people wear, it can be difficult to ascertain their age with certainty. Because of this and the fact that most pubs serve food and kitchens would have to be closed, I differ from Senator Quill in preferring a stiff fine to closure as a penalty. I respect the discretion of judges but they can also err, as we have seen. I welcome the uniform treatment regarding applications for licences in rural and urban areas. There is now a requirement to extinguish one licence from anywhere in the State when applying for a certificate from the courts to receive a new licence from the Revenue Commissioners. Any licence offered for extinguishment, if it is a full publican's licence, may be used to apply for an off-licence, which is important. I welcome the provision allowing the holder of a restrictive licence, that is a six day or six day and early closing licence, to apply to convert to a full seven day licence on payment of £2,500 to the Revenue Commissioners, which should be used to ensure that eventually there will only be one licence for all categories of licensed premises and off-licences, as distinct from clubs, hotels and restaurants. However, I am surprised the Minister has made no provision for the name transfer of an existing licence, particularly in the light of recent events, the need for which, given the correspondence engaged in by his Department, he could reasonably have anticipated. As a member of a fully constitutional party, I appreciate the Minister's comments on natural justice requirements, fair procedure and due process. There is serious concern about another licensing issue. In the case which recently came to light, the Revenue Commissioners refused to accept an authorisation. They sought clarification regarding the status of the authorisation, whether it was made in open court, whether gardaí were notified and their attitude. This resulted in the judge issuing a court order requiring the Revenue Commissioners to issue the licence. Has the Government decided to appoint a High Court judge to deal with the issues involved? Will the Minister introduce a suitable amendment following the comprehensive statement he has promised? It is necessary to ask whether the judge, given the circumstances, should have disqualified himself from dealing with the matter. The impact of the licensing laws on retailers and their customers needs to be addressed by the Minister. Members received a letter from an interested group today, for which I do not speak. However, there is concern among independent shopkeepers about this matter. Several retail grocers have called for greater liberalisation of the liquor licensing laws to enable grocery shops sell a full range of alcoholic beverages for consumption off the premises. At present most of the large multiple and independent supermarkets have full off-licences which enable them to sell beer, wine and spirits. Most other supermarkets and food shops have wine licences only and cannot sell beer and spirits. I understand the frustration of retailers who want full licences to enable them sell beer and spirits and compete with the multiples. Naturally, my sympathies lie with them. However, alcohol is different from any other product sold by grocers. It is a substance which is open to abuse and before we introduce such widespread liberalisation of the law, we need to assess the impact of that change on society. It is not just a question of introducing blanket liberalisation to benefit the consumer. Serious issues such as alcohol abuse, under-age drinking and health are involved. I hope the proposed commission will look at this issue fully and fairly and that it will have representatives from retailing organisations and groups concerned about proposals to liberalise the law in this regard. Until the commission investigates this issue further, we should not restrict the sale of alcohol. I deplore the attempt in this Bill to prevent shops licensed to sell wine from selling alcohol during the same hours as pubs and shops with full off-licences. As I understand it - the Minister may correct me if I am wrong - section 4 proposes to equalise the opening hours for premises engaged in mixed trading, either with an off-licence or on-licence attached. However, it is not clear if the equalised opening hours will also apply to shops without a full off-licence but which are only licensed to sell wine. Will they be required to respect the previous hours of opening or should they also benefit from the liberalised and equalised hours? The Minister needs to clarify the effect of this section and to introduce amendments to rectify any anomaly, intended or accidental. Subject to my reading the Bill further and getting satisfactory answers to my questions, I am reasonably happy that this Bill is an attempt to suitably update antiquated legislation.
Mr. J. Cregan: I welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Hanafin, to the House. I commend the Minister and his officials on producing an extensive and comprehensive set of provisions to reform our licensing laws. The Bill includes a range of practical, pragmatic and balanced measures designed to reflect social attitudes and change regarding alcohol and seeks to protect in a fair and equitable way the many and varied interests involved in this important sector of our economy. The Minister and his Department are to be further congratulated for adding to the enormous volume of significant legislation on a wide range of matters of great public concern which has been introduced since the Government took office in 1997. As spokesperson on justice, I have seen a great deal of legislation introduced by the Minister and his officials since I entered the Seanad a short time ago, on which I compliment them. It contrasts more than favourably with and far surpasses the record of any previous Government. It was mentioned that the Minister is satisfying most interested groups with this legislation. The Minister who can fully satisfy all interested parties probably has not been appointed yet, and I presume is not even born yet. The Bill is the culmination of a long process of review of existing legislation, much of it going back to the 19th century, which no longer adequately reflects social attitudes and habits. Economic realities, demographic change and the growth of the tourism industry have had a major effect on our society and economic life. The Bill is intended to update the law in many areas relating to the sale and consumption of alcohol. We are aware from personal experience and observations that the law has become increasingly out of touch with the needs and wants of consumers and has fallen into disrepute in many areas. Some of its provisions, such as the prohibition on public houses opening on Sundays between 2 p.m. and 4 p.m., are openly flouted throughout the country. Many families have tended to go out to lunch on Sundays in recent years. Where both partners are working they may opt to go out to lunch on a Sunday rather than spend time cooking in the kitchen. They can choose to bring their children to a public house rather than a hotel for Sunday lunch, as pubs offer quite extensive menus as a reasonable cost. It was naive and silly that people were expected to finish eating their lunch at 2.10 p.m. and then leave the premises. The law was probably not enforced and rightly so - common sense prevailed. This Bill provides that families and licensees can be more independent and need not hide behind closed doors. The lifting of that prohibition on pub opening hours is important. Any situation where the law in a particular area of social and economic activity is widely ignored and treated as irrelevant is corrosive of respect for and compliance with the law, the State and the forces of the law in general. Gardaí used their common sense in enforcing this measure on many occasions and they are to be commended for that, as it would be embarrassing for them to have to enforce such a draconian measure in these modern times. The Bill represents a comprehensive approach to tackling this problem. It is the most extensive legislation in this area since the foundation of the State. There are many and varied interests in the licensed liquor trade, manufacturers, publicans, restaurant owners, hoteliers, night club owners, thousands of employees and consumers. The Bill seeks to strike a fair and reasonable balance between those interests and responds to the public demand for changes to existing laws to reflect considerable change in social patterns in recent years. The Minister, Deputy O'Donoghue, has been at pains to engage in a wide-ranging consultation process during which the interested parties I mentioned have had an opportunity to put forward their views. He listened to what they said and included many of their views in this Bill. I am particularly pleased about the provision to create a single national licence area. That together with the abolition of the two for one rule and the need to prove a population increase to justify the granting of a new licence represents a significant dismantling of the barriers to entry to the trade. As a Senator from a rural area, I regard the changes in this area as also providing a long overdue opportunity for the holders of relatively inactive licences, many held by families who may have been in the trade for generations, with an opportunity to realise their economic and commercial value and perhaps use the proceeds to reinvest in more promising business ventures in their own areas. The provision of a single national licence area facilitates the transfer of inactive licences from under-populated rural areas to major urban centres, towns and villages. The abolition of the two for one rule further facilitates the process and makes it commercially more attractive as well as easier. The abolition of the prohibition on the granting of a licence within one mile of an existing licensed premises can only serve to increase the demand for licences in urban areas, such as greater Tallaght, which is frequently mentioned in the context of the lack of public houses in that area. By any stretch of the imagination there is a lack of public houses there. The abolition of Sunday afternoon pub closing and the general extension of opening hours to permit later opening throughout the week and in special circumstances is also a positive measure, which will be welcomed in rural areas not only by domestic consumers but by those involved the tourism industry, not to mention tourists. The existing position is regarded by many visitors as ranging from farcical to incomprehensible and can only be regarded as a major obstacle to the development of our tourism industry, which is of major and growing importance to many small rural communities. Many rural communities reinvest the gains from our new found national prosperity in the development of heritage, historical and architectural restoration projects. They do so not only with the aim of preserving what is worthwhile and may have been long neglected due to a lack of funds but also to create local tourist attractions that inform and further sustain heritage development in the locality. These developments are a great source of community pride and cohesion. The ability of those in the licensed, hotel and restaurant trade to provide readily accessible services in terms of food and beverages in the vicinity of such developments can only contribute further to their attractiveness and success. The abolition of the prohibition on the serving of beer by restaurant owners must be regarded as a major plus. The current situation served only to deprive the consumer of choice and was inexplicable to foreign guests. Restaurants owners are able to serve wines that are not produced here but are prohibited from serving home brewed beers. The lifting of that prohibition will be welcomed by consumers and the industry. The provision enabling off-licences, whether attached or otherwise to licensed premises, to commence sales from 8 a.m. rather than 10.30 a.m. will be welcomed by consumers. Given that some supermarkets now open at 8 a.m., it is farcical that the shutters on a part of their stores are not lifted until 10.30 a.m. It was ridiculously that customers who wanted to avoid the queues at Christmas and decided to do their shopping at 9 a.m. or 9.30.m. could not purchase alcohol or alcohol related products until 10.30 a.m. The current position is not consumer friendly and it has created operational difficulties for those retailers operating other lines of business in conjunction with an off-licence. This is a common-sense measure that epitomises the pragmatic approach that informs the Bill. The provisions in the Bill intended to curb the scourge of under-age drinking, which has become such a regrettable feature of our society, are positive. In many ways that feature is one of the effects of prosperity. Previous generations did not have the level of disposable income to engage in serious drinking as teenagers. With the growth of widespread affluence, ready pocket money, widely available part-time employment and ready access to alcohol, there has been a major increase in teenage drinking and drunkenness in all communities. That has contributed to a variety of anti-social activities, criminal behaviour and disregard for parental influence and social control. It increases the prospect of many of those engaged in serious drinking at an early age developing alcoholism and all its associated medical and social disorders in the long term. The "reasonable grounds" defence made it inordinately difficult for the Garda to secure convictions in terms of the minority of licensees in a community who persistently sell alcoholic drink on or off their premises to those who are under age. The abolition of that legal anomaly will radically change the position in law. Publicans who openly flout the law and are prepared to serve alcohol willy-nilly to people of 15 to 17 years of age can face a mandatory closure of their licensed premises for a seven day period. That provision must be welcomed in terms of dealing with the minority of publicans who openly flout the law and give an extremely bad example to our young people. However, the majority of publicans endeavour to run their businesses in a proper manner. If they make a reasonable and good effort to ensure that the customers they serve are over the age of 18, discretion should be allowed in the imposing of that mandatory closure provision. We heard about the young lady who showed the staff on the door of a pub identification indicating she was 19 years of age, but later when trouble broke out and the Garda were called it transpired she was only 16 years of age. That publican had staff on the door who checked the ID of his customers and that girl's ID appeared authentic. Where publicans are genuinely caring and do not wish to serve under-aged customers, the district justice or the person who hears such a case should exercise discretion and not close such a premises for seven days. A previous speaker said a severe fine would be preferable to a ruling to close a premises for seven days. The closure of a premises for seven days is the strictest fine possible because publicans are hit in their pockets when their premises are closed. There is no defence to strict liability. No defence is acceptable for the selling of alcohol to minors. For some time, the Garda, parents' groups and youth organisations have been calling for legislation with teeth to tackle this problem. I welcome and support the Minister's stated intention to instigate a nationwide crackdown on offenders in the wake of the passage of this legislation. The provision enabling the closure of licensed premises for a specified period for under-age offences must be implemented because it will have a major detrimental effect on offenders. I hope the Judiciary will pay heed to society's wish to tackle this problem and that it will have due regard to these new powers in framing their sentencing policies. In a broader sense, this measure complements other Government measures to control and remedy the social and medical ills associated with a range of illegal intoxicants. The Minister has gone a long way in satisfying most interested groups. I took the opportunity to consult with 160 publicans and nightclub owners in the west Limerick area, the vast majority of whom were extremely pleased with the measures being introduced. Silence speaks volumes in this case. The publicans are a large and loud lobby group which we have all seen over the past months but they appear to be satisfied that the Minister has struck the correct balance, which is welcome. It was pointed out to me by a nightclub owner in my constituency that under the current by-law he is entitled to remain open and serve alcohol until 1.30 a.m., but the district justice has reduced his opening hours to 1 a.m. In the new legislation, that nightclub owner will be entitled to remain open until 2.30 a.m., but the district justice will still have discretion to ensure he closes at 1.30 a.m. or 2 a.m. In order for his business to remain viable, the least that nightclub owner is entitled to is to be allowed remain open until 2 a.m. so that people who pay £6, £7 or £8 to enter can enjoy themselves. He has invested in the business and he should be entitled to accommodate the people who, by choice, want to continue their entertainment. I welcome the Bill and I commend it to the House. |
Mr.
Costello: I welcome the Minister of State to the
House. I am giving a very qualified welcome to this
legislation and the more I listen to the debate, the more
qualified it becomes. This appears to be legislation that
we have heard about before - an Irish solution to an
Irish problem. The more I read it, the more unhappy I am
that it will not be of any assistance in dealing with the
enormous confusion and anomalies in our licensing
legislation. Senator Cregan said he had consulted widely with 85 or 185 publicans. That is very wide consultation indeed. The Minister said that he canvassed widely for views. I would be delighted to hear how wide was that consultation. He stated: "I can safely say that in developing the proposals in the Bill I have, through seeking written submissions, through formal and informal meetings and through visits the length and breadth of the country, got a firm indication ..." I was not aware that the Minister travelled the length and breadth of the country obtaining the views of people.
Mr. Connor: Of course he did not. That is rubbish.
Mr. Costello: He certainly did not come into my constituency. What is the sense of saying that when it is not true? He did not do anything of the sort. He canvassed widely among publicans, disco and club owners and hotel and restaurant owners, but did he go beyond that? I would be delighted to hear the extent of public canvassing in which the Minister engaged. He should not say that in his contribution if none of us has any knowledge of it having happened in our locality or the areas we represent. The Bill proposes an extension of licensing laws beyond those we have at present. It is ridiculous that in the course of seven days we will have Sunday closing at 11 p.m., closing on Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday at 11.30 p.m., and Thursday, Friday and Saturday closing at 12.30 a.m. - three different closing times each week. What is the sense of that? The opening hours have been made uniform in that there is a provision for an opening time of 7.30 a.m. There should be no difficulty in allowing the publican decide on the time of opening. Why is it necessary to have a uniform opening time? Why do we need to prescribe an opening hour? What is the purpose of it? Why was 7.30 a.m. chosen? People have said that supermarkets open at 8 a.m., but what has that to do with it? Why did the Minister decide on 7.30 a.m.? The opening time down on the docks was 5 a.m. or 6 a.m. - I am sure Senator Bohan will know that-----
Mr. Bohan: Seven o'clock.
Mr. Costello: -----because of the type of business that was being done. Should we prescribe for an opening hour of that nature? We should not. Should we bother providing for a closing time of 12.30 a.m. on the eve of a public holiday, including New Year's Eve? What is the reason for having different closing times in the course of the week and at different times in the course of the year? I suspect that it is because the vintners want it. It suited them. Not a single member of the public would have wanted these closing hours. They want to be able to go out for a drink Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, Friday, Saturday and Sunday, and that is it. They would not have prescribed the ridiculously artificial hours in the Bill. The end result of this is the same point the Garda object to again and again, the fact that everybody will be put out on the street at the same time, even though the closing times are different on different days of the week. Was that not part of the problem, that people were being forced to finish their drinks hastily and then they were put out on the street where, occasionally, a fracas occurred and where people had to wait for taxis at the same time? How can the Minister say that this is a liberalisation or a major step forward? He cannot because we have not addressed the problems. Did the Minister consult the Garda about this legislation? I would like him to indicate in his reply the views of the Garda on this proposal. Did they say that everybody should be put out at the same time every night of the week? I do not believe they said that. This legislation has been in gestation for a long time. This time 12 months ago the Minister told us he would get the legislation through the Houses before the summer but he was called to Northern Ireland and he was unable to get back to deal with the complaints from the vintners in relation to the then proposals. He is now dealing with them 12 months later. The Minister has talked about this legislation since he came into office two and a half years ago. He has not produced a bang but a whimper. I do not know the extent to which the Minister can stand over it, considering the enormous changes that have taken place in people's lifestyles, the tourism industry and the development of our capital city. It is difficult to understand the Minister's reasoning. In my opinion he has been influenced by the vintners, but I see no reason for that. He should have been far more flexible in his approach to the licensing laws. The United Kingdom, which previously had legislation as restrictive as that which applies here, is currently in the process of introducing total deregulation. Scotland has far more liberal licensing laws than Ireland and these were introduced because, again, people were being forced to drink up hastily and they were all leaving pubs at the same time, pouring out on to the streets and encountering difficulty in getting home. As a result, trouble often flared because gangs of people were hanging around late at night. |
A wonderful
proposal has been put forward to regularise the position vis-à-vis
urban and rural licences. A person will now be able to
transfer a rural licence to an urban centre where there
is more business. That is being done without the
imposition of even the slightest restriction. As a result
of this development, major pub owners in Dublin and
elsewhere will purchase the licences of small public
houses in rural areas where there is not much profit to
be made. They will transfer these licences to premises in
major urban areas and make a killing. We should restrict
the ability to transfer these licences because, if we do
not, the vintners will have won again. As it stands, the
major publicans and the larger operators will benefit
most from this new liberalisation. The Minister has made
no provision to prevent such behaviour and I do not
believe this will improve matters. The real difficulty affecting urban areas is the absence of new licences. There is an unwillingness to cater for the needs of the greenfield sites in Tallaght, Clondalkin, Ballymun, Coolock, Blanchardstown and other major urban areas we have created. Huge, sprawling, barn-like public houses which offer no intimacy because they are not run by families are being built in these areas. Residents object to the construction of such establishments because they are not family run, intimate pubs, they are major operations which are virtually uncontrollable. They will be completely uncontrollable as a result of the passage of this legislation because crowds of people will be obliged to leave these establishments between 12 p.m. and 1 a.m. on a Saturday night or Sunday morning. There is a need not merely for the transfer of rural licences to urban establishments but also for the issuing of further licences. This would lead to the development of smaller, more intimate public houses run by more responsible landlords. There is nothing in the legislation to suggest this will be done. There is a need to establish a licensing authority to consider the issuance of new licences in order to ensure that decent people who are spending enormous sums of money to purchase new houses in the urban areas to which I refer will be able to socialise in decent public houses, not in the barn-like establishments of the kind that are dotted around the outskirts of Dublin. I welcome the proposal to issue temporary closure orders in respect of premises where it has been proved that liquor was sold to under-age persons. I am not sure that I welcome the fact that the forfeiture of licences in such cases will be discretionary rather than mandatory. However, I accept the argument the Minister offered in that regard. I welcome the fact that the onus will be placed on licensees to ensure that they do not sell alcohol to under-age persons. However, the Bill is silent in terms of how it is proposed to implement this provision, how it will be enforced and who will be responsible for enforcing it. As Senator Henry inquired, who will be responsible for policing the employment of under-age persons in this sector? Who will monitor the number of hours these individuals work, which often contravene the organisation of working time legislation? Who will be responsible for ensuring that young people employed in public houses on a part-time basis who are also attending school, are allowed to go home early enough to do their homework? These matters must be addressed but the legislation is silent in that regard. The Bill also fails to deal with the lot of full-time employees in this sector. How is it proposed to address the question of the new hours they will be obliged to work? Obviously, there will be a need for negotiation between the trade unions and the vintners' association in that regard. Nevertheless, the legislation will have a major impact on the lot of employees and we must address the question of whether shift work will be introduced. The fact that at weekends pubs will be opening at 7.30 a.m. and remaining opening until 12.30 a.m. with 30 minutes drinking up time the following morning means that employees will have an extremely long working day. A number of days ago, Marian Finucane interviewed a group of people who are employed in the licensed trade and they indicated the difficulties they face in having a normal family life in view of the unsocial hours they work. The legislation will change their lives further, particularly if new structures are put in place, and I do not believe we can avoid introducing shift work in public houses. Did the Minister broach this subject with members of the industry during the comprehensive consultation process in which he engaged? There is a danger that the implementation of the legislation could lead to any number of industrial disputes. I intend to table a number of amendments to the Bill on Committee Stage. I hope the legislation will be enacted by the summer. Yesterday marked the first day of summer opening hours in public houses and I hope this will be the last occasion on which there is a distinction between winter and summer opening hours. The Minister indicated that he intends to establish a commission on licensing and said, "The process of examination and change to our licensing laws does not end with this Bill, comprehensive as it is." He also recognised that there is more to be done. I would not call this a comprehensive Bill because it barely addresses the problems in this area. In my opinion the Minister will be obliged to revisit this issue in the near future. It is a shame it has taken so long to introduce the Bill. I am sure this limited legislation was introduced because it is as far as the Minister has been allowed to go. I would like him to have addressed the needs of consumers rather than those of the traders in this area, but perhaps he will do so in the future.
Mr. Farrell: I welcome the introduction of the Bill. Senator Costello's only real point of contention relates to the opening hours. As the Minister stated, an Oireachtas sub-committee considered this matter. I am sure the Labour Party made its contribution to that committee's work and agreed with its recommendations.
Mr. Costello: If the Senator reads the sub-committee's report he will discover that it contains many recommendations which are not included in the legislation.
Mr. Farrell: I agree with Senator Quill's point about guesthouses, particularly those which provide evening meals. In Northern Ireland, guesthouses are allowed to provide alcoholic drinks for residents. |