Mr. Gogarty:
My constituency has a high level of rented accommodation. I alluded to
this some time ago and I think the Minster for Justice, Equality and Law
Reform was paying me a compliment when he accused me of having constituency
envy. While many of the people in my constituency may live in rented accommodation,
they are still fine, decent and upstanding people drawn from many races
and religions. I hope the Minister was paying me a compliment, otherwise
he was insulting those people. I would prefer if the Minister were around
for that debate.
Mr. English: It was insulting.
Mr. Gogarty: The Deputy is quite correct. In many
cases, the constituents of leafy Dublin Mid-West have no choice but
to live in rented accommodation. While some parts of the constituency
- at least those areas where Deputy Harney dares to canvass - may be
called leafy, some of the other areas are among the most deprived parts
of Ireland. When people cannot find a home or have no security of tenure,
it diminishes the sense of community. The breakdown of community leads
to other problems and, inevitably, anti-social behaviour and crime.
Net Garda strength has increased by only 31 since the Government came
into power. The stoppage of overtime payments affected public order
vehicles. If one looks at the cycle, one can see that lack of proper
legislation can contribute to social breakdown and crime. As long as
one is well off and does not live in such areas, one does not have to
suffer.
I point this out because the idea of owning a home is a dream that may
never be realised by many of my constituents. They may never get a home
from a local authority as local authorities are not given enough funding,
or are encouraged to sell land to developers rather than build. The
Bill seems to be a genuine attempt to address the problems facing tenants
and landlords under current legislation. Sections 12 to 14 make a reasonable
attempt to ensure that landlords meet their obligations and that tenants
are not penalised for seeking their rights. I have some concerns regarding
the provision preventing a rent review more than once every 12 months.
That period could be extended but even the 12 month limit is welcome,
as is the right to review rents where no right is currently provided.
Even as it stands the Bill will improve the position of tenants by promoting
greater regularisation and professionalism within the housing sector.
The Bill has many weaknesses and enforcement will present problems.
Even local authorities have problems enforcing the law so the new board
will also have problems.
The private rented sector is currently increasing following a decline
until the mid-1990s. One in every eight households now lives in private
rented accommodation. I hope what I say about these households will
have an impact on the Minister of State with responsibility for housing
and on the Tánaiste, if she reads the Official Report. These
households include the most impoverished and marginalised members of
society. As my colleague and party leader, Deputy Sargent, has already
pointed out, at least one third of tenants in private accommodation
are in receipt of social welfare rent supplement, which reduces the
choice of rented accommodation for many people unlucky enough to be
in this position. Many adults and children live in appalling conditions.
In my constituency there is some fairly good quality rented accommodation
in the suburbs of Lucan and Clondalkin although there are cases of large
families being packed into houses. In other places, particularly in
inner city areas, tenants live in appalling conditions.
Some people live in neglected forgotten areas which many politicians
would not even visit to canvass but where the gardaí are charged
with trying to maintain order in the face of huge under-resourcing.
The decent citizens, who are the majority in these areas, live in a
constant state of fear of the increased incidence of thuggery and criminal
activity. I do not wish to mention Limerick, because this behaviour
is found everywhere. When social conditions break down crime increases,
criminals mobilise, drug pushers move in and take over and the people
who have been living in the area for a long time have to suffer. The
gardaí, to their credit, do the best they can with the resources
they are given. I make no apology for pointing out this under-resourcing
during this debate. The gardaí will be under even more pressure
unless we ensure a proper social mix with the proper planning and facilities
provided. People who do not come from salubrious areas such as Dublin
South-East live in difficult conditions.
Deputy Dan Boyle has already spoken about the poor quality of the housing
provided, even in the areas designated for urban renewal schemes. Deputy
Sargent mentioned insulation and energy efficiency. Not many Deputies
read up on energy matters but I have been doing so. Some experts suggest
that oil production is likely to peak between 2006 and 2013. What the
Greens have been predicting about global warming, possible climate change
effects on sea levels and how we will cope with increased flooding is
already happening. Of even greater significance is the fact that when
oil production peaks and it costs more to extract the remaining oil
from the ground we will see a major increase in the price of oil. Much
rented accommodation uses oil or gas for fuel. Our gas reserves are
also quite small and gas prices will rise along with oil prices. The
issue of renewable energy must be addressed. A measure could be added
to this Bill to ensure that private rented accommodation is properly
insulated and as energy efficient as possible. Rented accommodation
should have even higher standards of energy efficiency than owner occupiers
currently enjoy. That is a matter for a number of Departments but an
energy efficiency measure could be added to the Bill.
I note the media attention given to Punchestown and the criticism of
the Minister for Finance. The PD tail wagging the Fianna Fáil
dog is coming home to roost again. This is the sort of dog that eats
greedily from the hands of developers, nuzzles up to those well-off
enough to pay for dietary supplements if they are coeliacs and are insulated
from the cutbacks but cocks it leg to the rest of society. That is why
I referred in the Estimates debate yesterday to people feeling they
are being spat upon and urinated upon. Unless politicians are seen to
take proper action in the provision of housing as well as in cutbacks
we will be seen as elitist and separate. I do not know of even one Deputy
who lives in rented accommodation, unless in a second house close to
the Dáil in Dublin. Mr. Pádraig Flynn sent out the wrong
message about politicians on the Late Late Show a few years ago when
he said it was difficult to keep three houses. That sort of patronising
arrogance is perceived to be typical of politicians. It behoves us to
change those perceptions and to be seen to take action, even if it means
clamping down on landlords who would exploit tenants. Many landlords
are business people who wish to make an honest living but there must
be legislation and rules to control this sector.
It seems that in some areas of Dublin, Limerick, Cork and other parts
of the country horses have better accommodation than people living on
rent allowance. This is not good enough. I hope the amendments proposed
by organisations such as Threshold and tabled by Deputies are seriously
considered by the Government so that the Bill, which is a genuine attempt
to address some of the problems facing tenants and landlords, can be
improved.
Tenants in private rented accommodation are currently exposed to rent
increases almost at will. While there is some protection for longer
term tenants, periodic or probationary tenants are liable to be evicted
with only 28 days notice and no valid reason. For the 100,000 people
who are in receipt of rent allowance and others who are in receipt of
family income supplement or on low wages day to day life is fraught
with insecurity and worry. Their situation is not improved by this Bill.
Unscrupulous landlords can and do take advantage of those not in a position
to argue for their rights. This can be because of a lack of options,
because they feel intimidated or because lack of education means they
do not know their rights. In many cases they receive no assistance in
these difficulties. A notice period of more than 28 days is required
and the time required to qualify for decent notice needs to be reduced.
One might call me naive but I believe two months would be ideal in both
these cases. A qualification period of three months would, nevertheless,
be acceptable.
Some flaws stand out in the Bill like members of the Progressive Democrats
on a CE scheme or, given that there are no members of the Progressive
Democrats in the Chamber, like Members of the Cabinet who subscribe
to the principle of collective Cabinet responsibility. The flaws have
the effect of watering down the Bill and making it a little too ambiguous.
Maybe this was the intention. This legislation should be as rights based
as the Education for Persons with Disabilities Bill.
Section 4 contains a glaring omission in terms of bedsits. The wording
should include "units where bathrooms may be shared by occupants
of different tenancies within the same building". Otherwise, those
who live in bedsits will not have recourse to the new board. The board
is supposed to be the bee's knees when resolving disputes. My colleagues
and I do not necessarily agree that the establishment of the board is
the best option. The allocation of more power locally, where possible,
in addition to proper funding, might make the current system work. It
has not worked in terms of enforcement because the resources have not
been in place. However, this is beyond the scope of this debate.
Section 6 refers to the servicing of notices by post. Many have alluded
to this during the debate and therefore I will not discuss it in detail,
but I hope an amendment will be made in this regard. However, the best
method - this cannot really be included in the Bill - would be for the
landlord to issue the notice in person. If landlords are looking for
money they visit one in person as quickly as they can.
Section 9 lists the penalties for committing offences under the proposed
Act. A daily fine of €250 is touted for each offence. This is small
in relative terms and should be increased in line with other fines.
Threshold, in its submission, called for a fine of €500, which
is the per diem fine in the Licensing of Indoor Events Act 2003. I have
no reason to disagree with Threshold in this regard.
I already praised parts of sections 12 to 14 because they spell out
the obligations of landlords and tenants much more clearly than was
hitherto the case. However, there is still ambiguity. Threshold stated
in its submission that section 12(1) provides that the obligations under
this section are "in addition to the obligations arising by or
under any enactment". Furthermore, it stated: However the inference
that section 18 of the 1992 Act and the 1993 standards regulations are
part of a landlord's obligations will not be recognised by all those
concerned. Compliance with minimum legal dwelling standards at the low
priced end of the rental market has been problematic, and an express
obligation in the Bill should help to improve matters. An amendment
should make explicit the landlord's obligation to ensure that the rental
property complies with the minimum standards legislation as currently
enacted or as amended from time to time.
Threshold's request seems reasonable and I hope the Minister will see
fit to heed it.
Section 12 also requires tightening up to ensure that deposits are promptly
returned because, in some cases, the money involved is crucial to the
families concerned, particularly if they are seeking a new home. Furthermore,
under this section, the reasons for which landlords could reimburse
tenants for repairs could be specified. Again, there may be a reason
for the ambiguity that exists in this instance. Threshold lists various
reasons for reimbursement, including a burst water pipe, a blocked toilet
and an inoperative cooker. Other reasons could include an inoperative
washing machine. These reasons could be specified and provision could
be made for others, yet to be decided. This would copperfasten the section.
Section 14 has some good provisions to discourage landlords from retaliating
against, threatening or intimidating tenants who seek to assert their
rights. However, we know tenants will be able to inform the board about
non-compliance with the provisions of the Bill, but a far better deterrent
would be to make certain actions an offence, particularly if the enforcement
issue is catered for.
I agree with the landlords in respect of the provisions under section
16 to address anti-social behaviour. I and my party do not want to be
regarded as anti-landlord but we are in favour of proper legislation.
Tenants can approach the board to draw attention to non-compliance with
measures in the Bill. However, we must examine what constitutes anti-social
behaviour of tenants. Section 16 needs to be transparent to rule out
unjust accusations.
Section 19 does not clarify who has to prove a rent is above the prevailing
market rate. Tenants who may not have had proper educational opportunities
may have fewer means at their disposal to obtain the necessary information
needed to make a case to their landlord. The board will provide no clarity
in terms of how one proves rents are excessive or who does so. We need
to examine this. Threshold, with which I do not necessarily agree, suggested
that further details be provided. I agree with it in this instance.
There is a need for enforcement because local authorities have consistently
failed to register landlords. What chance will the new board have without
the adequate resources? Will the resources be provided? Who is more
likely to go to jail for non-compliance? Will it be the landlord, for
evicting a family wrongfully, or the family who, for genuine financial
reasons, defaults on a payment? These issues need to be raised.
Time does not permit me to discuss Part 4. I wanted to get a few issues
off my chest regarding the impact of bad housing policy on society and
communities. I hope the points my colleagues and I have made will be
taken on board. I draw the Minister's attention to the submission by
Threshold, which also made some valid points.