At the end of 1949 the civil war in China ended with the victory of Mao Tse-Tung and the Communists. Within a few weeks England moved to recognise the Communist government because of her capital investments in China worth over £300 million.
On December 19, 1999 the last colonial presence on Chinese soil, Macau -- a Portuguese possession for 442 years -- was evacuated by the imperial power and all of China was at last cleared of foreign rule.
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At the end of 1949 the civil war in China ended with the victory of Mao Tse-Tung and the Communists. Within a few weeks England moved to recognise the Communist government because of her capital investments in China worth over £300 million. |
On June 30, 1997 (the Year of the Ox) nearby Hong Kong was evacuated by the British under the joint-declaration made between China and Britain in 1984 in Margaret Thatcher's time as Prime Minister.
Fifty years ago in December 1949 the long Civil War in China ended. The Communist forces under Mao Tse-tung finally forced the Nationalists under Chiang Kai-shek with the remnants of their army off the mainland and onto the off-shore island of Formosa, later known as Taiwan.
Chairman Mao, as head of the Communist Party then established the People's Republic of China with its capital in Peking, later renamed Beijing. It was said at Mao's death in 1976 that he changed China from a place where peasants were forced to eat the bark off trees in order to survive to a situation of assured subsistence with dignity.
However the rapid political, economic and social changes in the new China did not occur without massive violations of human rights. The most recent of these to be widely known in the outside world was the notorious Tiananmen Square massacre of students on June 4, 1989.
The new regime in China fifty years ago was not accepted widely as the Nationalists claimed for many years to be the "Government of China" from their stronghold on Taiwan.
China under Mao sent economic aid, but not troops, to help the revolutionary movements in Laos and Vietnam during the 1950s and 1960s. Indeed in the early 1970s Chinese engineers built the famous "Tan-Zam" railway in Eastern Africa.
When Northern Rhodesia became free of British rule in 1964, it found itself as Zambia economically dependant on South Africa and other countries than ruled by white minority governments.
To strengthen its ties to its black African neighbours, especially Tanzania, it built an oil pipeline to Dar es Salaam on the coast in 1968.
A further outlet to the sea and import-export trade was achieved by the land-locked Zambia in the following decade by the construction of the railway to Dar es Salaam under the direction of Chinese engineers.
Such assistance to anti-colonial and anti-imperialist governments was much appreciated at the time. The 26-County State during the middle and late 1960s trained black Zambian administrators in local government procedures and technical education.
It was not until 1971 that the People's Republic of China was seated at the United Nations as "China" and the Taiwan government ousted and recognised only as "Taiwan". From 1957 on the Dublin government actively supported this move at the UN.
Of interest to readers will be the British government's attitude to the conflicting claims for recognition from the Communists in Peking and the Nationalists in Taiwan in December 1949 and January 1950. In the January 1950 issue of An tÉireannach Aontaithe/The United Irishman an article on the leader page is headed "England Recognises Communist China".
It states: "For years England denounced the Communists in China as brigands, robbers, murderers, cut-throats, etc, who were financed by Russia and whose aim was to overthrow Christianity.
"She extolled to the stars the valiant efforts of the ill-armed Nationalist forces -- the bulwark of civilisation in the East. When an English warship was bombed by Communists in Chinese waters (the ship won a glorious victory by running away just as Dunkirk in 1940 was hailed as a great victory) the whole English press denounced the 'cowardly act'."
(The Amethyst incident took place on the Yangtze River in China in the summer of 1949. What was it doing there? -- Ed.) "And now despite all that England gives de jure as well as de facto recognition to this Communist government," the article goes on.
"The reason is not far to seek: English capital investments in China are said to be worth over three hundred million pounds (multiply many times for their value in 2000 AD); and for the sake of a few pounds or dollars England would make a pact with the devil himself."
The article concludes by wondering what Sir Basil Brooke, then Stormont Premier, thinks of such English government action and if Sir Basil himself would 'stoop so low as to make the choice of principles to be adopted conform to the needs of the pocket'."
Also carried in the same issue are extracts from a speech made by de Valera in 1931 when the "Cosgrave Party" (now Fine Gael) brought in a Coercion Act "less devilish" than those later enacted by Fianna Fáil. They certainly make interesting reading at a time when the "poachers" of the 1970s and 1980s have become the "gamekeepers" of the 1990s and the 2000s:
"They [the IRA]," said de Valera in pursuit of power, "are to be taken into these secret tribunals and maltreated and nobody is to hear a word about it and nobody is to be allowed to raise his voice in protest. That is the situation.
"But tradition is a hard thing to kill. They have been reared in that tradition. That is the Gospel that kept Irish nationality alive through all the centuries of persecution . . .
"These are the men whom we want to crush now. These are the men who are represented as terrorists, these who never thought of themselves. They are simply the rats that are to be squelched.
"These are the people who are ready to give everything that they had for Ireland, and well we know it, and now they are being deserted by the majority of their people.
"They have been deserted by old comrades who can no longer see any hope of success on the line they are adopting, by people who were with them originally but who are so far away from them now that the road which they are following is leading diametrically in the opposite direction.
"They are brave men anyway; let us at least have for them the decent respect that we have for the brave," the extract concludes.
These words of de Valera in Leinster House in 1931 have often been quoted by Republicans down the years -- in 1941, 1951,1961 . . . They can be quoted again with relevance to the present situation at the start of the new Millennium.
Even as Jack McCaffrey of Hannahstown outside Belfast was welcomed home on release from Crumlin Road jail, Belfast three of the remaining prisoners were chosen as Sinn Féin candidates to fight the British general election in the Six Counties as abstentionists.
The candidates selected were Séamus (Jimmy) Steele (Belfast) for West Belfast; Hugh McAteer (Derry city) for Derry city and county and Liam Burke (Belfast) for Mid-Ulster.
Their election address began by stating that "the cardinal objective of the Irish people" is the restoration of the All-Ireland Republican Government and State overthrown by England when she "partitioned the Nation into two statelets".
The candidates nominated would be pledged, if elected, not to sit in the British parliament. "They shall seek the votes of the electorate and the support of the Irish people not merely as anti-partitionists . . . but as the spokesmen of the Republican Movement:
That Movement "was then preparing itself to resume the onward march towards achievement of the national ideal". The winning of seats would not be an end in itself nor would the results, whatever they might be, affect in any way the determination of Republicans to forge ahead towards their objectives.
Votes won would not be looked on "in the remotest way" as something in the nature of a plebiscite on Ireland's right to freedom.
"THAT RIGHT IS INALIENABLE AND NON-JUDICABLE AND MUST NEVER BE PUT IN ISSUE THROUGH A REFERENDUM OF A SECTION OF THE POPULATION NOR OF THE PEOPLE OF THE COUNTRY AT LARGE."
Ireland's right to "full and complete freedom", the Manifesto claimed could not be taken away and was not a matter for decision. (Ireland as a historic nation was entitled to it and the constitution of Republican Sinn Féin says so to this day, fifty years later.)
The election was an opportunity for Irish people to renew their Republican allegiance and "demonstrate to England and the world" that the Irish Question was not a matter for the British Empire but "the right of an ancient and historic nation to its complete and absolute freedom and independence".
Republicans might be charged with disruptionist tactics because of entering the election contest. The Movement had never been a source of disruption. "Rather was it those who adhere to political party manoeuvring or who foment sectarian bitterness and strife that prevent our people from making a common and united effort to end British rule in Ireland."
Republicans had ever sought civil and religious freedom, individual and national freedom and had been the foes of bigotry, persecution and sectarianism. They had a better right to represent genuine Nationalist opinion than those who adhered to sectional or party interests.
"Ireland is a Nation with a national right to separate existence and freedom . . . and Ireland is the country to which all Irishmen should give allegiance."
"The Republican Movement personifies the continuance of the national tradition of opposition to foreign rule and was deserving of the support of all who seek freedom."
The work of setting up election directories and organisation in the three constituencies went ahead despite cries that Sinn Féin was "splitting the nationalist vote" by entering the elections at all.
In An tÉireannach Aontaithe/The United Irishman of January 1950 an article entitled "Nationality and Sport -- A Young Reader's Views" appeared to open up another front for Republicans.
"Seosamh Phádraig" wrote that Irish athletes could only reach international competition before 1922 by competing under the Union Jack. The GAA in 1922 decided to entrust care of athletics and cycling to a newly-formed body, the National Athletic and Cycling Association of Ireland, popularly known as the "NACA(I)".
In 1924 this association which had jurisdiction over the 32 Countries was admitted to membership of the International Federation. Irish athletes competed in the 1924, 1928 and 1932 Olympics where Irish victories were acclaimed by the hoisting of the Tricolour and the playing of Amhrán na bhFiann.
"This it might rightly be claimed was the first international recognition extended to 'Poblacht an Phiarsaigh' ", the writer went on and was "a great victory and suitable reward for the GAA who had persevered in their ideals of Ireland as a nation".
Then a few Orange clubs in Belfast objected to competing under the National Flag and with the aid of England had a motion passed by the International Federation to the effect that the jurisdiction of members of the Federation be limited to the political boundaries of the country or nation they represented.
The NACA(I) was then ordered to confine its activities to the 26 Counties and leave Six-County athletes to compete for England. The NACA(I) naturally refused to obey this order and subsequent Congresses held in 1934, 1935 and 1937 confirmed the stand taken at the International Federation meeting.
In 1935 the NACA(I) was suspended from the International body because it refused to recognise the Border. Then the real blow fell.
"The Seoiníns gave in and a few imperialist clubs severed their connections with the NACA(I)." Such clubs had before 1922 belonged to the "Irish Amateur Athletic Association" which was in fact the Irish branch of the British AAA.
Clubs mentioned by the writer included Trinity College, Clonliffe Harriers and Donore Harriers. Yet another was O'Callaghan's Mills Club in Co Clare.
Before these resignations approaches had been made to the International Federation on behalf of an association "not yet officially founded" for affiliation as a 26 Counties organisation.
Thus it was that the "Amateur Athletic Union of Éire" came into being. It was known as the AAU and the cycling body with an Irish name "Cumann RothaÉochta na hÉireann" as the CRE.
The great majority of athletes of Ireland remained with the NACA(I) but were denied international competition because they remained "true to the glorious ideals of an Irish Republic". Those who bartered their nationalism for international competition were actually "drinking out of the cup with England".
The writer concludes by appealing to all to stand by the NACA(I), the GAA and other national organisations. "Seosamh Phádraig" is believed to have been a young NACA(I) cyclist named Seosamh Mac Criostail of whom more would be heard.
The same issue carried a letter from a 21-year-old American student with an address in Lowell, Massachusetts. Named JT Dillon, he had Irish grandparents and expressed enthusiastic support for "your wonderfully enlightening newspaper".
Was this the same Joe Dillon of Boston who is still with us in the Irish Freedom Committee/Cumann na Saoirse?
A full page article in Irish is headed "Eachtra Chnoc Loinge" -- the Encounter at Knocklong railway station when Seán Hogan was rescued from his British captors. Two RIC were killed and two IRA Volunteers wounded.
"Hands up or die", was the warning cry
At the Station of Knocklong.
The piece was an extract from a book which was later published by Colm Ó Labhra entitled "Trodairí na Treas Briogáide" (the fighters of the Third Tipperary Brigade).
D'éirigh an Treasach [Seán Treacy] de léim.
D'éirigh dá éis an laochra mear
Do ling ar an traen go beo
Is do chuaigh go cróga san treas.
(More next month. Refs. An tÉireannach Aontaithe/The United Irishman January 1950.)
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Web layout by SAOIRSE -- Irish Freedom January 8, 2000 Send links, events notifications, articles, comments etc, to the editor at: saoirse@iol.ie marked "attention web-editor". |