Buying the GAA

DURING the recent debate on the GAA’s Rule 42, which prohibits the use of GAA grounds by other sporting organisations, for many within the media and indeed within the GAA itself the entire matter boiled down to be not a question of principle but simply a question of the £60 million grant being offered by the 26-County government. The very soul of the GAA, it appears, was for sale to the highest bidder and it was to be used simply as a pawn in the building of what appears to be a monument to ego, the ‘Bertie Bowl’.

As with the debate on Rule 21 three years ago, which excludes members of the British army and RUC from joining the GAA, we heard much about “ditching historical baggage” etc, translated what this means is that elements within the political Establishment and media abhor the fact that the GAA is a 32-County organisation which refuses to recognise the artificially-created Six-County Border. The GAA represents something which is indigenous and unique to the Irish people. It is more than just a sporting organisation but a national cultural movement, a focus point for communities throughout Ireland. To the Dublin Four thought police this is totally unacceptable.

The campaign to remove Rule 42 should not be taken in isolation but as part of a campaign intensified since the signing of the Stormont Agreement in 1998 to bring the GAA “on-line” with the status quo by shedding all notions of Ireland as a 32-County nation and all emblems of nationality.

This is about more than simply allowing other sporting organisations to use Croke Park. Already it is proposed within the Patten report on the reform of the RUC that the GAA should in effect become a recruiting sergeant by encouraging young nationalists to join a re-packaged RUC.

We can soon expect to end the practise of flying the Tricolour over GAA grounds in the Six Counties and the playing of Amhrán na bhFiann before games. Indeed Pat Kenny on RTÉ Radio One on April 25 cited these practises as justification in the eyes of British-backed loyalist death squads for the targeting and murder of GAA members. All of this is part of a logical sequence.

This campaign of de-nationalising the GAA is extended even to the naming of pitches and stands. Already in Croke Park the Cusack Stand has become the ‘New’ Stand. What may we ask will the Hogan Stand be called? At the recent GAA Congress on April 7 a motion was passed allowing the GAA to sell the naming rights of GAA grounds. Where will this culture of greed end? Is Cusack Park in Ennis to become Coca Cola Park? Or instead of Semple Stadium, Thurles to be Smurfit Park? One thing sure to go will be those named after Republican Volunteers. This was highlighted in Drumshanbo, Co Leitrim just a few years ago with the case of the local GAA park named after IRA Volunteer Jim Vaugh. It was renamed after a local man killed in an industrial accident in the US. Too much of an embarrassment and a reminder of the principles upon which the GAA was founded.

This whole debate on the use of Croke Park has also exposed the deep resentment of many within Leinster House and the media for a successful sporting organisation who have retained their independence and sphere of influence. To counter this the 26-County government is attempting by means of enormous sums of money to literally buy the GAA and to influence its internal decision-making process. Recent calls by Mary Harney for the GAA to convene a ‘Special Congress’ to amend Rule 42 constitute an unprecedented interference in the internal affairs of a democratic sporting organisation.

All Republicans, especially those who are members of the GAA, must defend its integrity and independence. Cumann Lúthchleas Gael belongs to all of the Irish people, at home and abroad. We must not allow it to be used by those who are the enemies of its very ethos.
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For The Record

THURS. APRIL 5, 2001: The home of nationalist William Christie and his family in Alliance Avenue was attacked by a three-man loyalist death squad gang who drew up in a maroon Vauxhall Cavalier outside. William’s daughter Lisa saw the car pull up from an upstairs window. A man in the back pulled up a gun and started shooting out of the back door window of the car. William Christie’s two daughters were standing in the front garden when incident happened. The car sped off towards the Deerpark area. Thirty minutes later the car returned and the shooting began again. Two bullets smashed through an upstairs window, piercing the glass. Other bullets struck the wall at either side of the window. There are two large bullet holes in the top window. No one was in the room during the attack.

William, his wife and a second daughter were downstairs. William’s grandchildren were sleeping in another bedroom. William’s daughter, her husband Harry Hayles and their four children moved into the house after their own home was bombed by loyalists. In the hallway and dining area, the couple’s furniture and belongings are stacked against the walls. The family lived close to the loyalist Westland estate and both families have been repeatedly targeted by loyalist death squads. The car was found later burning at Ballysillan playing fields.

A number of component parts of a pipe bomb were found at the rear yard of a house in Ebor Street in the Donegall Road area of south Belfast.

About 100 people were evacuated from their homes when a pipe-bomb was left on a pavement in the Abercorn Square area of Derry city.

SAT. APRIL 7, 2001: A report commissioned by the British government revealed that the new plastic bullets to be introduced for use in the Six Counties had the potential to be even more lethal than the rubber and plastic bullets used heretofore. The report said that they are “lighter, faster, aerodynamically shaped and manufactured from a stiffer material”. The report concluded that the severity of brain injuries was likely to be greater with the new bullet.

SUN. APRIL 8, 2001: Paddy Dunlop (35), a nationalist from Ballymena, Co Antrim was badly beaten by the RUC in William Street in the town after he intervened when an RUC woman assaulted a pregnant woman. He was attacked from behind and savagely beaten as he lay handcuffed on the ground and unable to protect or defend himself.

William Street is the nationalist part of the mainly loyalist town of Ballymena and people had gone to pubs there to watch the Celtic match. Trouble erupted when he and two friends left the Inn pub and one of his friends then tried to tape a Tricolour to a traffic bollard. Five RUC members laid into him with batons and he was thrown into an RUC van and brought to Ballymena RUC barracks, where he was left lying on the floor for four hours before he received any medical attention. The doctor who saw Dunlop ordered that the RUC release him to hospital. The injured man had four staples put in a head wound and was treated for severe bruising to his face, arms, upper body and legs. He has to wait until the swelling in his arm goes down to be X-rayed.

A young Ballynahinch, Co Down man, Stevie Clarke was slashed in the face by a loyalist using a broken bottle, and as he fell to the ground others in the mob kicked him about the head. He and friends, who had been out celebrating Celtic winning the Scottish league championship, were on their way home when they were attacked.. He spent three days in hospital under observation because of severe swelling to his head.

Meanwhile, two nationalist taxi-drivers escaped injury when loyalists attacked them in the Langley Road area of the town. Although both taxis were damaged, neither man was hurt.

FRI. APRIL 13, 2001: The postal service in the Six Counties said that some of its postal deliveries to Britain were delayed following a bomb warning at the Royal Mail sorting depot at Mallusk, near Belfast. The depot was evacuated for three hours on Friday while it was searched following a bomb warning. Nothing was found.

SAT. APRIL 14, 2001: The home on the Glassdrummond Road in Annalong, Co Down of a member of the British colonial police the RUC was targeted in a loyalist pipe bomb. The area was cordoned off for several hours before the device was made safe. The main Newcastle to Kilkeel road was closed again on Saturday as forensic experts carried out a follow-up search of the area.

Shaun Alexander Leighton, a kennel keeper of Mosside Gardens, Ballymoney, County Antrim (33) in County Antrim appeared at Ballymena magistrate’s court charged with having documentation likely to be of use to terrorists. He was alleged to have had a computerised record containing personal details of a number of people on March 5this year.

SUN. APRIL 15, 2001: Easter commemoration ceremonies were held by Republican Sinn Féin throughout Ireland as well as in Scotland, England and the USA in memory of the 1916 Easter Rising.

An explosive device exploded outside a post office depot in Edgeware Road, north London.

A mortar packed with 90kg of home-made explosives was made safe by British army bomb experts at Altmore Forest, between Carrickmore and Dungannon, Co Tyrone.

TUES. APRIL 17, 2001: Loyalists tore down Tricolours in Larne’s Seacourt estate as part of an ongoing campaign of intimidation against nationalists. Just hours afterwards, the loyalist Apprentice Boys paraded through the County Antrim town.

Gerald Anthony McFadden (31) of Rathlin Gardens, Creggan, Derry city was charged at the Special Court in Dublin with having in his possession at Glebe, Donegal information about Peter Sheridan, an RUC superintendent, his family and his movements, which was likely to be used in the commission by members of an illegal organisation of a serious offence. He was remanded in custody to Portlaoise prison and is believed to have applied to be housed with the Provisional prisoners at Castlerea, Co Roscommon.

SAT. APRIL 21, 2001: A grenade was thrown at Strand Road RUC barracks in Derry. The device fell short of its target and damaged two parked cars in Asylum Road. Several nearby houses were evacuated while army bomb experts examined the scene, and a number of items were taken for examination.

SUN. APRIL 22, 2001: A couple have escaped injury after a pipe-bomb exploded in their living room in County Down last night. Shots were fired through the window before device was hurled into the living room of the house in Breezemount Rise in the village of Conlig. No-one was injured but the woman was treated in hospital for shock after the attack at 10.20pm last night. The family targeted in the gun and pipe bomb attack had received a loyalist death threat several weeks ago. The police have said the couple were lucky to escape with their lives.

A single shot was fired into the living room of a nationalist family in Woodford Place, Armagh, the third attack on a home in the mixed area in a week.

MON. APRIL 23, 2001: British army bomb experts were called in to defuse a suspect object found on the track at Finaghy in south Belfast.

TUES. APRIL 24, 2001: British army bomb disposal experts and the RUC who were dealing with a suspect device on the Belfast to Dublin railway line have been attacked by a crowd throwing stones and petrol bombs at the line near the mainly nationalist Kilwilkie estate in Lurgan Co Armagh. Three officers were injured, one seriously. Rioting started as army bomb experts continued to examine two other suspicious objects found on the railway line on Monday and Tuesday.

A device was found at Boyd’s bridge in Dunloy in Co Derry after a search of the area following the warnings.

The Belfast to Lisburn line was closed, as is the line between Ballymoney and Ballymena, where passengers are being transferred by bus.

WED. APRIL 25, 2001: A mother and four children narrowly escaped death when their home at Dunluce Avenue in south Belfast was targeted in a pipe-bomb attack. The device was thrown through the living room window.

A couple and three children escaped injury after a petrol bomb was thrown at their house in Antrim town.

THURS. APRIL 27, 2001: A suspect device was found in Chapel Street, in the Waterside area of Derry city. The British army carried out a controlled explosion.

MON. APRIL 30, 2001: In a landmark decision the UN Human Rights Committee found that the 26-County State must in the future supply reasons for bringing people before the Special non-jury Court instead of an ordinary court. The committee said that in the future the State should not try people before the Special Court unless it can show reasonable and objective criteria for the decision.
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Dílseacht don leathchoróin

SEÁN a dúirt, é ina mhacalla as an rá úd, ré na scillinge is na bhfeoirling. Dílseacht bhunúsach. Deamhan locht ar do leas. Agus, arsa tusa, bail ó Dhia ort, más mall is mithid.

Goidé atá i gceist ach ráiteas úd de chuid fheirmeoirí na Sé Chontae, agus an galar chrúb is béil ina bhagairt orainn uilig i ngach gaoth a shéid chugainn anoir agus, ar ndóigh, i ngach cóiste beag is mór ón mBreatain, Dia linn. ’Sea, mhais. Feasta ar bhonn oileán na hÉireann a chaithfeas muid ag brath óir ní féidir na Briotanaigh a thrust, agus iad ar nós cuma liom ag plé leis an gcontúirt, nó miondream atá sna feirmeoirí, na créatúirí.

Is dócha go bhfaca sibh an scéilín a d’fhoilsigh Foinse faoi Bhríd Rodgers agus an fhearg a chuir sí, más fíor, ar aire na Breataine, nuair a bhagair sí go ndúnfadh sí calafoirt na Sé gContae ar thrácht ón mBreatain. Céard é a d’fhreagair an t-aire úd (más fíor!) ach go gcuirfeadh sé a hordú ar ceal. Anois! (mar a deireadh an fear cneasta as Co Mhaigh Eó ar Raidió na Gaeltachta, bail ó Dhia air).

Leathchoróin nó eile: Tá sé riachtanach ar ’chuile bhealach an tír a athaontú, go díreach mar a bhí i gcónaí. Tuigim go maith do Mháirtín Mac Aonghusa, agus an “próiseas” úd á chosaint aige sna seachtainí sul má tháinig an reifreann: “Céard é a rinne an Saorstát riamh dúinne sna Sé Chontae?” agus an fód á ghéilleadh aige don gConstáblacht, do Stormaint agus eile.

Tuigim; ach ní aontaím go hiomlán leis. Tuigim sa mhéid gur thréig na polaiteoirí sna 26 Chontae, agus cuid mhaith den mheánaicme, an mionlach sna Sé Chontae, an chosmhuintir (idir Chaitliceach is Phrotastúin).

Tréigeadh gan náire dá laghad a bhí ann. Ba léir nach raibh i gcroíthe na bpolaiteoirí a ghlac leis an gcríchdheighilt ach saint, agus a leas polaitiúil féin, mar atá fós, nó ar na saolta seo tá an béalghrá féin do chuspóir na haontachta imithe glan as foclóirí na bpolaiteoirí céanna.

Anois, mo léan, déanann said an chríchdheighilt a mholadh, fiú, in ainm na síochána, dar ndóigh! Dona go leor, aontacht oileáin, tíre, a shárú; ach in Éirinn ba é an cúige, Cúige Stairiúil Uladh, ba mheasa a tháinig amach as an sceannach. Ó thaobh na moráltachta, an daonlathais, ní féidir é a chosaint. Ar son na síochána, mar sin? Ach cén cineál síochána a tháinig mar thoradh ar na cúrsaí seo, ó 1920 go dtí an lá inniu ann?

Ní mé an raibh deis agaibh an litir bhreá úd a scríobh Gerry Jones (The Irish Times, The Arms Trial and Capt Kelly; Aibreán 20, 2001) a léamh? Is fada ó bhí a cosúlacht i gcló, í ina fírinne thús deireadh, mar chaidéis faoi chlár áirithe de chuid RTÉ, mar atá Primetime, a bhí ina ghilitín ar Dheasún Ó Máille agus an oiread sin polaiteoirí eile. Anois teacht an earraigh agus an fhírinne faoi bhláth, moladh do deo don Spiorad Naomh!

An Máilleach, an Giobúnach, agus an Loinseach féin! Agus féach chomh cairdiúil is a bhí seisean le hAmbasadóir na Breataine, más fíor do cháipéisí stairiúla a cuireadh ar fáil sa mBreatain faoi Acht Shaoirse an Eolais!

Níl aon amhras anois ann ach go raibh rialtas an Loinsigh i bhfad ní ba lofa ná mar a cheap muid faoin am. Lofa agus mí-éifeachtach. Ar ndóigh, ní nuascéal é go bhfuil Fianna Fáil lofa. Bheidís cáinte ó na tríochaidí ar aghaidh agus mise im thost. Ach an raibh Fine Gael níos fearr ná iad?

An bhfaca sibh an scannán a léirigh TG4 ar na mallaibh faoi bhrúidiúlacht an Stáit? Fíor dhuit, bhí mac liomsa, mar atá Osgur, le feiceáil ann, fear a chéas an Díoma Crua (‘Heavy Gang’) de chuid na nGardaí chun go gcuirfeadh sé a ainm le bréag a chinnteodh, mar fhianaise, go raibh sé páirteach i robáil traenach sna seachtóidí i gCo Chill Dara. An Chúirt Choiriúil Speisialta a rinne an feall, é a fhógairt ciontach, in ainneoin an amhrais mhóir a chruthaigh fianaise an Stáit. Ar ndóigh, d’fhógair cúirt eile é a bheith neamhchiontach. Agus ar ball fuair sé cúiteamh beag suarach ón Stát ar éagóir nach bhféadfaí a chúiteamh a choíche.

Agus sea, a dhuine, is fíor go raibh mise le feiceáil ar an gclár céanna. Agus an scannán á chur le chéile chaitheadar breis is uair a chloig agus mise ag labhairt faoin ndrochghnó a rinne an Stát, ach faoi dheireadh ní raibh le cloisteáil uaim sa gclár ach an moladh a thugas do Mhgr Alibrandi, agus do bheirt sagart, an tAthair Maolfabail ina measc.

Is aithnid dom, agus go maith, gur minic a cháin Poblachtóirí an sagart céanna, as a sheasamh polaitiúil. Ach bhí sé ar an mbeagán sna seachtóidí a raibh an misneach aige labhairt amach in éadán bhrúidiúlacht an Stáit, agus an tAthair Réamonn Ó Muirí ina theannta. Ceart dom ceart dóibh!

Ar na cúrsaí ba spéisiúla, b’fhéidir, ar cuireadh ar ár n-eolas sa gclár céanna, bhí an beagán cainte a rinne an Dr Crúis Ó Briain, gur airigh sé ó na Gardaí a bhí á chosaint le linn don gComhrialtas a bheith sa gcumhacht go raibh a leithéid de dhream ann a chéas cimí le heolas a bhaint díobh.

“We beat the shit out of them”: Míniú galánta na nGardaí, mas fíor don gCrúisíoch. Breá nár fhiafraigh lucht déanta an chláir cén fáth nár labhair seisean amach i gcoinne na brúidiúlachta, go háirithe agus é ina Aire sa rialtas céanna faoin am.

Ach thug an Crúisíoch eolas uaidh atá fíor-thábhachtach, más fíor dó. Dúirt sé gur inis sé do Ghearalt Mac Gearailt, a bhí sa rialtas ag an am, mura bhfuil dul amú ar mo chuimhne, an méid a d’inis na Gardaí dó. Cén fáth, mar sin, nár labhair Gearalt amach go poiblí faoi sin uilig?

Faoin am sin sna seachtóidí bhí Dubhghlas Gageby ina eagarthóir ar The Irish Times, nuachtán a chruthaigh go maith, go misniúil, faoi ailse úd na nGardaí, ailse atá beo ina measc ó aimsir Theach Oriel i mBaile Átha Cliath sna fichidí.

An dtig le léitheoir ar bith aon eolas cruinn a thabhairt dom, maidir le heachtraí Theach Oriel sna fichidí? Is doiligh domh, mar a deirtear in Ultaibh, teacht ar a leithéid. Caithfidh go bhfuil fianaise scríofa ag daoine a d’fhulaing faoin mbrúidiúlacht chéanna, sna fichidí, sna tríochaidí, sna daichidí, agus anuas go dtí ár lá féin? Is rí-thábhachtach an t-eolas sin a chur le chéile agus a fhoilsiú, i gceachtar den dá theanga, agus a scaipeadh chomh forleathan is atá ar ár gcumas, go háirithe i Meiriceá agus san Astráil.

Maidir leis an gclár úd de chuid TG4, ní raibh lucht a dhéanta sách cúramach faoi fhíricí áirithe, go háirithe dátaí. Bhí sé “blúireach” nó, más fearr leat an téarma, “giotach”, sa gcaoi go raibh an iomarca ann a bhí gioballach bearnach easnamhach nuair a bhí gá le mioneolas, garfhócas, súil leathan ghéar chruinn.

Ach rinne sé branar. Ceart go leor, chun an jab a dhéanamh i gceart bhí sraith de dhíth. Ní fhéadfaí léargas ceart iomlán a chur inár láthair in aon chlár amháin agus an oiread sin nuachta (sea, nua dár lán) a láimhseáil mar ba chóir. Ach is míorúilt í, agus an béal bán is eile i bhfeidhm in Éirinn inniu, gur fhéad TG4 an beagán fiúntach sin a dhéanamh. Sea, mhais, branar fíor-áisiúil. Bail ó Dhia ar an stáisiún agus ar lucht a dhéanta.
-- Deasún Breatnach