Address by John Joe McCusker, (Fermanagh), Ard-Chomhairle (National Executive) member, Republican Sinn Féin, at the Irish Freedom Committee/Cumann na Saoirse - organised Michael Flannery Memorial Testimonial in New York, January 30, 1999:

A late great friend of my father, Kevin Agnew from Maghera Co Derry used to come to our town in Co Fermanagh at election time and address the people after Mass, "fellow Republicans of Fermanagh." I'll not chance using these exact words here in America but you won't mind if I commence by saying "fellow Fenians."

Fellow Fenians, it is significant that we meet here tonight on the 80th Anniversary of the First Dáil, to remember Michael Flannery and to pay tribute to the honorees, and by extension I express my tribute to you all here and to the many generations of Irish Americans who have given their time at great cost to themselves and their families, in the cause of a free and unfettered Ireland.

Michael Flannery epitomised the Irish American "Spirit of Freedom."

Back in Ireland while still a teenager he began his Republican activities and fought through the Black and Tan war. Following the sell-out of the elected government of the First Dáil and the establishment of the partitionist parliaments Michael came to America where he became a good citizen of this country while continuing to struggle to free his native land.

In spite of the many splits and defections from the true Republican position, Michael Flannery did not lose sight of where his allegiance lay and remained steadfast to the guiding principles of non-recognition of the partitionist parliaments. This position has proven a fundamental weapon and the greatest bulwark against the British government and the Dublin administration. Michael Flannery never deviated in his support for the armed struggle and in the 1970s found himself, along with George Harrison and others, in a federal court for gunrunning -- the court acquitted all defendants.

Back in July 1900 Clan na Gael under the direction of John Devoy and Daniel F Cohalan held a convention where a declaration of principles was adopted. I will indulge this gathering and read this declaration:

"The object of the Clan is the complete independence of the Irish people and the establishment of an Irish Republic, and to unite all men of our race in all lands who believe in the principles of Wolfe Tone and Emmet. We pledge ourselves to the principle that physical force is the only engine a revolutionary organisation can consistently and successfully use to realise the hopes of lovers of freedom in lands subject to the bonds of oppression.... Our duty is to nerve and strengthen ourselves to wrest by the sword our political rights from England."
(page 122, America and the Fight for Irish Freedom by Charles Callan Tansill, published by Devin-Adair, 1957).

It is the intention of those currently tasked to continue to rebuild, strengthen and structure the Republican Movement. However, there are many difficulties, the least of which isn't the confusion and lack of clarity on the part of fellow Irish Republicans.

Remembering the recent past and the fact that an attempt has been made to undermine the liberation struggle by disingenuous politicians who have sold the lie that the Agreement has been an advance for Irish nationalists. The facts are that the Brits have not gone away and if I might quote from page 21, paragraph 2 of the Agreement on the issue of security:

"The British Government will make progress towards the objective of as early a return as possible to normal security arrangements in Northern Ireland consistent with the level of threat....."

So having neutralised this generation of freedom fighters they now stand-to and prepare for the next threat.

I have no need to educate those here present on Irish history, however, positions need be restated. The facts speak for themselves. All of the issues which were presented in the media as major obstacles to the current process of re-positioning British rule in Ireland were all easily overcome.

Decommissioning will be no different; the most critical situation to arise will be that Provisional Sinn Féin will be locked out of the executive for some short space of time as the constitutional lawyers decide in collusion with their British paymasters that they be allowed in.

During this time nationalist heads will be bashed on the streets of Belfast as young people are duped into beating the doors of Stormont down in order that their politicians might represent them, or perhaps misrepresent them as they attempt to breathe life into a contrived sectarian entity.

The bottom line is that from the inception of the current process Britain’s short, medium and long term interests have been served.

In the short term: The ceasefire by the PIRA and the promising utterances which were made early on in the process had the effect of neutralising nationalist resistance to British rule.

In the medium term: The British hope to re-establish Stormont and woo the Nationalists into acceptance of continued British occupation.

In the long term: the Council of the British Isles will leave Ireland vulnerable to economic strangulation, depopulation and is an encroachment on the present status of the 26-county territory.

Would it be treason against imperialism to say that Irishmen in the future may have to smash these chains that are being so easily fastened upon our country by those whose nationalistic integrity is so seriously being questioned?

The present process does not contain any basis for peace. Nationalists north and south of the imposed Border are only now taking a long-term look at what their leaders have asked them to subscribe to in this Agreement. They voted in a vacuum of coercion and media spin.

Chapter one, paragraph one of the Agreement enshrines the Unionist veto and lays redundant the green gloss therein.

This paragraph sends a clear signal to the British and their loyalist death squads that it is now only necessary to control the scale of the nationalist population and they have our land forever. The reality is that economics, as in the past, controls the demographics in this region.

Thanks be to God; there are those in Ireland who shall not so easily be suited by the British Empire. Two weeks ago four young men from the city of Belfast fell foul of that Empire, allegedly they were returning from attacking a British Crown Forces base in the city. They are currently incarcerated in Long Kesh, one of their number, a teenager, is being detained in a prison for young offenders.

Some weeks before in Lurgan, Co Armagh, Martin Duffy from Co Antrim was arrested and charged with conspiracy; allegedly an AK assault rifle was found in the car he was driving.

Needless to say political status has not been granted and the British seem intent on pursuing the policy of criminalisation. The Free State administration, the SDLP nor indeed Provisional Sinn Féin have not batted an eyelid.

I would like to take this opportunity to express from here solidarity with these and the Prisoners of War in Portlaoise. I wish to extend a special acclamation to Josephine Hayden on her struggle, in most arduous conditions in Limerick jail, for the freedom of our country.

I would ask you all to redouble your efforts in whatever way you can, either by writing to these prisoners or by supportig CABHAIR. Our people in prisons in Ireland are not supported by the Green Cross organisation, which has become a source of assistance to Provisional prisoners only.

We in the Republican Movement extend the hand of friendship and comradeship, and welcome all those who subscribe to the Republican viewpoint. It is important here to clarify from our perspective: a Republican is one who does not recognise the legitimacy of the partitionist parliaments, ie Leinster House or Stormont and endeavours by any practicable means to remove the British from our country.

If you fit this criteria then fulfil your patriotic duties as you choose with honour and integrity, and may God speed your work and ours.
ENDS

Starry Plough


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February 9, 1999

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