Peter was organising hurling and Gaelic football teams in New Jersey in 1946 and Mollie became involved in charitable work. Among the countless fund-raising events she organised was the renovation of the childhood parish church in Fairymount and the building of a church in Mullabawn, County Armagh in the late 1950s.

She played a leading role in the Newark St Patrick’s Day Parade Committee for over 50 years. In 1962 she served as Deputy Grand Marshall, leading 70 contingents and 25,000 marchers on Broad Street in Newark.

Described by the Irish Echo (New York) as “the inspiring matriarch of the New Jersey Irish community” Mollie was a member, among others of the Roscommon Society of New York, the Ancient Order of Hibernians, the Gaelic Athletic Club, the Gaelic League, the Irish Feis, the United Irish Institute, the Giblin Association and the John F Cryan Association.

In October 1992 Mollie O’Donnell Murphy was the recipient of the Irish Freedom Medal at the annual dinner organised by SAOIRSE of New Jersey. Presenting her with the medal, veteran Irish-American leader the late Michael Flannery praised her role in alleviating some of the suffering of the people in Ireland and in the United States.

In the 1992 Dinner Journal, Jim Mooney, a retired Newark fire captain summed up Mollie thus: “The charity of her private life would fill many pages. It is correct to conclude that her life has been one of giving and sharing”.

Mollie’s husband Peter died in 1968.

She is survived by her son, John, who runs a bus company in Middletown, and with whom she lived; her brother Patrick O’Donnell, Roscommon; her sister Kathleen Regan, Linscroft, Middletown; and her nine grandchildren, two step-grand children and 21 great-grand children.

After funeral services in Middletown, her funeral Mass was held at Sacred Heart Church in the Vailsbury, Newark. Interment was in the Gate of Heaven Cemetery, East Hanover.
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His claim was widely used by unionists to prove an alleged bias against the unionist population. Most of the posts taken by nationalists however are badly paid part-time jobs. The great Doctor of Economics has also claimed that unemployment among nationalists was caused by a “lack of migration to other countries and regions”.

In a research paper published in 1990, Dr Gudgin states “thus one possibility for policy-makers in Northern Ireland is to encourage further outmigration from Northern Ireland.” Dr Gudgin has consistently denied a link between nationalist unemployment and discrimination and has blamed a high birth-rate and lack of emigration for their plight. In a letter to the Belfast Irish News dated December 1, 1994, Dr Gudgin urged nationalists to vacate the Six Counties:

“It is clear that people must thus migrate to gain employment just as they have had to do from the Republic,” he said. It is noticeable that Dr Gudgin’s calculations for migration never included members of the unionist population. Republicans, however, believe that all our people have a right to stay in Ireland with fruitful work.
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The relatives had to endure physical and verbal abuse from the mob of 100 protesters. Meanwhile the prisons are reported to be calm after a meeting between the MI5-controlled UDP mouthpiece, Gary McMichael, and the Long Kesh regime. The loyalists who had been protesting against locked-cell head-counts can now assemble in a locked dining-room for the head-count.

On Monday April 28 two guns were found in Maghaberry jail after INLA prisoners took a warder hostage in protest at a decision to move loyalist ‘King Rat’ Billy Wright to the INLA block in Long Kesh.
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He added that both of these were inherited at the formation of the State and were part of the legacy from our “contact with Britain”.
— The Sunday Tribune business section, May 11, 1997. The man that describes several hundred years of British colonial rule in Ireland as “contact with Britain” is the same man that Provisional Sinn Féin described as “the leader of nationalist Ireland” [see below]. Both Bruton and the Provos should get “contact with” reality . . .
You can accuse me of being a hypocrite but hypocrisy is one component of politics. Sometimes, hypocrisy is important to ensure that things are achieved.
— Colm Keaveney, a member of the Free State Labour Party in Galway East, Hot Press, May 14, 1997. With that attitude, our Colm is destined for Leinster House . . .
The GAA runs to the heart of things in Bellaghy, The taking and killing of Seán Brown as he locked up the premises after another function will touch an extraordinarily raw nerve in the community. In Bellaghy, the GAA is not a part of the community; the community is a part of the GAA.
—Irish Times, May 14, 1997.
John Bruton is nothing less than a national disaster.
— Michael MacDonncha, ex-editor of AP/RN, writing in that paper on May 15, 1997. Two years ago (March 30, 1995) that same paper described Bruton as a “representative of nationalist Ireland” and, last year (February 8, 1996), Michael MacDonncha referred to Fine Gael as being part of “nationalist Ireland”. Poor John Bruton — “nationalist” one minute, “national disaster” the next — what does he have to do to stay on good terms with that other Leinster House party?
[Provisional] Sinn Féin is no longer the party of protest and resistance, it is the party of change.
— Tom ‘Poppy Day’ Hartley, Provo Sinn Féin councillor on Belfast city council, AP/RN, May 15, 1997. Should guarantee entrance to another ‘commemoration’, eh, Tom?
Mr Adams said his meeting with the Fianna Fáil leader had been a “very good” one and hinted that he would like to see Mr Ahern lead the next government.
— Irish Times, May 15, 1997.
Tánaiste Dick Spring insisted: “No Irish government can have contact with Sinn Féin unless there is another IRA ceasefire — effectively an end to the violence, an end to the war.”
— Irish News, May 16, 1997.
. . . Tony Blair and his new Conservative Party . . .
— Pathetic News, RTÉ Radio One, May 17, 1997.
Bono went over to Westminster and, using his actor’s voice for Gerry Adams as during the TV and radio censorship, took the Oath of Allegiance to Queen Elizabeth II.
— Pathetic News.
However, the Taoiseach reiteraterated last night that the Government’s position was that there would be no “routine contact” with Sinn Féin “but that a meeting may be organised with officials to discuss matters that might lead to an imminent ceasefire.”
— Irish Times, May 17, 1997.
Reading some of Minister Avril Doyle’s speeches on the Famine, one can see where this line is coming from. One extraordinary passage, contained in a revisionist tract she delivered to an international conference on the Famine hosted by the government at Dublin Castle recently, goes as follows: “It would be all too easy to develop an exaggerated rhetoric of blame, a callow descent into easy sentimentality, in which we can all wallow luxuriantly, as vicarious victims of the Famine, rather than as its beneficiaries. The one million dead left few descendants. The bulk of Famine victims’ descendants are not in Ireland but scattered across the globe. It is also too facile to blame every modern Irish ill, from schizophrenia to alcoholism, on the Famine, degenerating into a maudlin culture of complaint.”
— The Phoenix, May 23, 1997.
The road to Leinster House is the trail of tears.
— Pathetic News, RTÉ Radio One, May 24, 1997.
The Famine should be commemorated in a way “that would have respect for those people who died due to a political situation which was basically the export of food from Ireland over to England, under armed guard,” he said.
— Singer Liam Ó Maonlaí, singer with the Hothouse Flowers quoted in Irish Times, May 28, 1997.
Lord Alderdice yesterday said that the ceasefire called by the Combined Loyalist Military Command “barely exists”.

Loyalist paramilitaries have killed two Catholics, seriously injured a third and carried out a series of bomb attacks in the past two months.
— Irish Times, May 28, 1997.
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