SENATE SPEECHES
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Northern Ireland: Statements


14th December, 1999

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: I welcome the Taoiseach to the House.

The Taoiseach: The events of recent weeks have been truly historic in the context of relationships on this island and these islands. These have been events such as yesterday's inaugural plenary meeting of the North-South Ministerial Council that few people a few short years ago would have believed possible. We have achieved the implementation of an agreement which provides the strongest possible basis for a permanent peace.

The road leading to devolution and full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement was one that was never less than problematic. The difficulties at times seemed insurmountable but the true historic point to be made about what we have achieved is that we found a way to resolve deeply divisive constitutional and institutional issues through negotiation and agreement. We have managed to get to a point where people with fundamentally different beliefs who in the recent past have gone through an appalling period of conflict are willing, no matter how reluctantly, to work in government as part of the same Executive.

In these weeks Ireland has been presented to the world as a model for the peaceful and negotiated resolution of conflict and not, as too often over the past 30 years, as an island associated with the chamber of horrors we saw in Northern Ireland, sometimes reaching into our own jurisdiction. In those bad times we often felt shame and close to despair. Today we can experience feelings of pride, joy and hope for the future.

This has been achieved through the unfaltering commitment of the parties, successive Governments both here and in Britain, President Clinton and the US Administration. Through his work in brokering the Agreement Senator George Mitchell's place in history is assured. His nomination for the Nobel Peace Prize is a truly fitting expression of the high esteem in which he is held by all the participants in the process. It is a very worthy candidacy. George's fine qualities have been described many times - his tenacity, patience and skills in achieving common ground - but it is difficult to express adequately just how vital his contribution has been since the start of the negotiation of the Agreement itself and continuing on through the review.

John Hume, Seamus Mallon and their colleagues in the SDLP who laid the foundations for the Good Friday Agreement have worked tirelessly in pursuit of peace and an accommodation between all the traditions on this island. The Agreement which has now been implemented is the embodiment of their vision. It stands as a fitting tribute to their efforts over so many years.

The courage and commitment shown by the leadership of Sinn Féin and the Ulster Unionist Party have been immense. Coming from very different starting points they have taken the vital steps necessary to bring us to where we are today.

I acknowledge the important contribution of General John De Chastelain who with the independent commission still remain central to the process as they seek to resolve satisfactorily the issue of decommissioning.

The recent achievements owe most to the people, North and South, who so overwhelmingly endorsed the Good Friday Agreement last year. This massive show of support for the Agreement and the clearly expressed desire of the people for peace served to focus the minds of the participants, ensuring the successful outcome of the review process.

Let us not underestimate that achievement. Each tradition on this island recognises the legitimacy of the other. A person does not stop being a Unionist or Nationalist or republican or loyalist because of the Agreement. People can be part of whichever tradition they wish and legitimately participate in society and enjoy the fundamental rights accruing to any member of a democratic society.

On Thursday, 2 December, power was devolved from Westminster to the Northern Ireland Assembly. At a ceremony in Iveagh House an exchange of letters took place between the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland and the Minister for Foreign Affairs. This exchange brought the British-Irish Agreement into force with immediate effect after which, at a Government meeting and in line with commitments entered into in the Good Friday Agreement, I signed a declaration under Article 29.7.3 of the Constitution bringing into effect the changes to Articles 2 and 3 as set out in the Good Friday Agreement. I also signed a commencement order giving effect to the British-Irish Agreement Act, 1999. On the same day the repeal of the British Government of Ireland Act, 1920, took effect.

The institutional framework under the Good Friday Agreement is now in place. We have at the end of this momentous century for our country and people a new dispensation, a new balanced constitutional settlement involving agreed changes to Irish and British constitutional law based on the principles of self-determination and consent.

We have had many historic moments and events in recent times in relation to Northernd Ireland but yesterday's inaugural plenary meeting of the North-South Ministerial Council in Armagh where I and my colleagues in Government met directly with Ministers of the Executive was the biggest thing that has happened in my political lifetime. That meeting, held in a very cordial atmosphere, was of enormous significance, symbolically for Northern Nationalists and republicans as an institutional expression of their legitimate aspirations and in practical terms in that North-South co-operation can develop to a new level and in a new way. Yesterday saw the realisation of an aspiration twice previously envisaged this century in the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, and the Sunningdale Agreement of 1973. On those occasions it was planned for; yesterday it happened.

The establishment of the Council and the Implementation Bodies is important. There is much practical benefit to be derived from closer co-operation. The Council will develop consultation, co-operation and action within the island of Ireland on matters of mutual interest. The potential of the changed environment of co-operation is already being realised. Last week the North's Minister for Enterprise, Trade and Investment, Sir Reg Empey, and the Minister for Public Enterprise, Deputy O'Rourke, announced new measures to establish co-operation in the area of gas and electricity supply. I expect a range of activities such as this across Departments and sectors to blossom under the Council.

The Implementation Bodies encompassing trade and business, language, waterways, food safety, special EU programmes and aquaculture and marine matters make good practical sense and provide the vehicle for taking co-operation to a new plane. We have the opportunity for the two Administrations, North and South, to work together in all areas of mutual benefit. I said yesterday in Armagh that there is no area of our economic and social life without the potential for enhanced co-operation and common action. We have the opportunity, as the Tánaiste said yesterday, to develop relationships in personal terms and at an institutional level and to develop trust and understanding. This can only help to advance greater prosperity throughout the island.

This Friday, 17 December, I will be travelling to London to attend the inaugural plenary meetings of the British-Irish Council and the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference. As well as the British and Irish Governments there will be representatives of the devolved Administrations of Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland with representatives from the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man participating in the British-Irish Council. The Council will be a useful forum for the exchange of views on a broad range of issues of common interest. We have already taken steps to enhance bilateral relations with the new Administrations in Scotland and Wales by appointing consuls in Edinburgh and Cardiff. Following the recent visit to Ireland by Scottish First Minister, Donald Dewar, a number of areas where an exchange of information would be useful have been identified.

The new British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference involving the two Governments will replace the existing Anglo-Irish Conference and cover all matters of bilateral interest with the special focus on non-devolved Northern Ireland issues.

People will express differing views about one particular strand of the Agreement or another, depending on which perspective they are coming from. Everyone involved is a representative of the people and the people do not have a single view on each aspect of the Agreement. This was the case during the review and it remains the case following the review. From whatever perspective it is taken all the new institutional arrangements must be worked by all sides and it is in everyone's interest to work them for the benefit of everyone on this island.

There is now in place in Northern Ireland a cross-community Assembly and Executive. For the first time representatives of all the major political groupings are represented. We have a unique system of governance that deals with the reality of a divided society. Because nothing of this type has ever been tried before people will wonder if it can work. The challenge for everyone - Ministers, chairpersons, deputy chairpersons of committees and all Assembly Members - is to work together on a cross-party basis to bring a new deal for the people of Northern Ireland. It can be done.

While the focus in recent weeks has been on the implementation of the constitutional and institutional aspects of the Agreement, considerable progress has been made on the implementation of other provisions and aspects of the Agreement. In this jurisdiction in the area of human rights legislation the Second Stage of the Human Rights Bill is now well advanced. When enacted we will have some of the most advanced human rights legislation in Europe. The Human Rights Commission which it will establish will have a wide-ranging jurisdiction in the area of human rights and fundamental freedoms and will participate in the joint committee of representatives drawn from the Human Rights Commissions in both jurisdictions.

The Employment Equality Act was brought into effect in September. A new infrastructure for equality comprising an Equality Authority and an Office of Equality Investigations has as a consequence been established and is now operating. This represents a significant step in the process of establishing a totally new framework for equal opportunities in our jurisdiction. The infrastructure will underpin the new anti-discrimination code provided under the Act and the Equal Status Bill which is awaiting Report Stage in the Dáil. There is close contact and co-operation between the two bodies and the Equality Commission in Northern Ireland.

The Irish Nationality and Citizenship Bill, 1999 was published on 2 December and has commenced in this House its passage through the Oireachtas. The Bill makes important changes in the citizenship Acts consequent on the coming into effect of the new Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution and of the British-Irish Agreement. The Bill's provisions are designed to have effect from 2 December, the day on which the Government made the declaration which brought the new Articles into effect.

With all the extremely positive developments and progress recently, I know and understand how victims and those who were bereaved as a result of the violence could feel that their suffering was being lost sight of. The former Tánaiste, Mr. John Wilson, was appointed in May 1998 as Victims Commissioner to conduct a review of services and arrangements in place in this jurisdiction to meet the needs of those who have suffered as a result of violent action associated with the conflict in Northern Ireland. Mr. Wilson's report was issued at the beginning of August, following which there was a period of consultation, and work is now under way on drawing up an implementation plan on the report's recommendations. One of Mr. Wilson's recommendations was that there should be an annual day of remembrance for those who lost their lives as a result of the conflict. While this would require further consultations, I believe we should consider holding a day of remembrance in the new year and I propose to initiate appropriate consultations in this regard.

At this time, I believe that Irish people everywhere are entitled to feel a great sense of pride in what we have been able to achieve together, North and South. Whatever path we take as a people in the future, that path must be taken freely, with the consent of the people, North and South. There are, without doubt, going to be difficulties which we will need to overcome in the weeks and months ahead, but we have come too far, we have overcome too many hesitations and obstacles, to turn back now.

There are other aspects of the Good Friday Agreement, such as decommissioning and policing, that I have been unable, for lack of time, to go into this evening, but let me say that I expect to see full implementation of all aspects of the Good Friday Agreement. I hope that in a spirit of co-operation and friendship we can surmount any problems that arise, to ensure that the peace and stability we have striven so hard to achieve endures for future generations and is paralleled by a process of healing and of reconciliation, such as was symbolised by yesterday's meeting in Armagh when, for the first time, elected Ministers drawn from both our great traditions and from both parts of Ireland were gathered together in a legally established and agreed structure, with a shared objective, to work for the common good of all the people.

Tá gean againn go léir ar an oileán atá i bpáirt againn. Ag obair le chéile chun leasa na tíre agus na ndaoine go léir, tá ar ár gcumas a dheimhniú go mbeidh an saol níos fearr feasta de thoradh an tús nua a thairgíonn Comhaointú Aoine an Chéasta. Is cuspóir é sin a dtig leis an pobal uilig tacú leis. Ní mór dúinn go léir tabhairt faoin dúshlán seo le fonn agus le funneamh.

Working together in partnership for the people we serve and for the shared island we love, we can make sure that the new beginning offered by the Agreement will lead to a better future. It is an objective worthy of all our people and a challenge to which we all must rise.

I thank the Seanad for making time available, as it has done many times during the past two and a half years. I thank all Members, my colleagues in the Government parties and those of the Opposition, who have continually supported the changes throughout the period. There have been many difficult days. There have been terrible days like 15 August 1998 in Omagh when things could hardly have been worse. We had the worst atrocity of the troubles in one day. If we look back and look at that period we can see what has been achieved. In the summer of 1997 I wondered if we would ever see a ceasefire again because we had just been through Canary Wharf, the Manchester bombings and the shooting of RUC officers. Thankfully, with the help of everyone, we saw the ceasefire restored. While it seems impossible to go back, it was only in September 1997 that I was trying to get Sinn Féin's entry into the multi-party talks. We tried to see if it would be possible to get Sinn Féin to talk to the UUP for three minutes in one room. It did not prove possible for a few months. Finally in the winter of 1997 we got them to talk. Then the multi-party worked their way through.

The Good Friday Agreement was negotiated in March and the early days of April 1998. Then we had to see it through in the elections, first of all for the Assembly and then in the campaign North and South. I appreciate the role played by everyone here in that campaign. I said at the time it would be important to get a good turnout because we had to be able to say that that election gave democratic legitimacy for the first time since 1918 and that psychologically that would assist us greatly. I did not think at the time, even though I was emphasising the point, that it would be so important afterwards because it is easy for people to argue. Let us be honest, the people in Northern Ireland do not have much difficulty doing that. It was important that it was backed up by something and recourse to the people was a huge argument which I have used every day since.

Those elections proved successful. We thought we would make progress during the summer of 1998. We were about to make progress at that stage on decommissioning but I am afraid the Omagh bombing and the related matters, the emergence of the Real IRA and others, the continuation of the Garvaghy Road dispute and the marching difficulties with the Orange Order and others did not help. We dragged through 1998. It is almost a year to the day since we concluded agreement on the implementation bodies in the areas of co-operation which were substantial. Through the long run of this year, having had the implementation bodies set up, we set January as the deadline for completion of discussions. That did not work. We then set Easter as the deadline. We had a long week in Hillsborough which did not work, even though it helped to thaw some minds out. Then we had a long effort after that to try to get agreement at Castle Buildings in the last week in June and the first few days in July. That helped but did not work. This was followed by the Mitchell review and the great work of George Mitchell.

The autumn continued to be difficult for us. We had five weekends of intensive talks. We made one bright decision and that was that this time all sides talked to each other without the necessary 500 journalists from all over the world waiting for us outside, with people feeling obliged to tell them the chances of success. This time we all stayed away from them. After one of those sessions I left the building at 3.10 a.m. only to find that my car was not there. Then I began to wonder would it have been better to have journalists to make it more exciting. It was better to have almost no publicity during the five weeks of talks conducted by George Mitchell. I thank the media - I do not always agree with them on everything - but they very responsibly allowed us to negotiate without much publicity during that period.

We are where we are. It is not over. There are still many important things to do but we can at least end this millennium with things better than they have been for a long time. I appreciate everyone's help on that.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: On behalf of the House I offer special thanks to the Taoiseach for his tireless work and that his Ministers, particularly the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Andrews. I thank them for all the work they have done during the past few years.

Mr. Manning: I join with the Leas-Chathaoirleach in giving a warm welcome to the Taoiseach. I thank him for the full account of developments he has given us and the heartening progress report he has made. I ask the Leader for an early opportunity in the next session to tease out many of the points made by the Taoiseach because there is so much in what he has said tonight that we will need time to develop each one in detail.

Mr. Cassidy: Agreed.

Mr. Manning: There is no doubt that the past few weeks have been rich in symbolism but more important is that it is a symbolism based on reality. There are few of us who could have anticipated the events of the past 18 months and still fewer who would have dared to hope that they would happen.

I share the optimism of the Taoiseach that there will be no going back. We have come too far to allow that to happen. He is right to put as the cornerstone of what has happened the will of the people because the people, having experienced peace, will not want to let go of what has been won at so great a price. It is right to emphasise that it is the consent of the people to what is happening that gives these agreements their enduring strength and is the best guarantee of their survival. The people have spoken; the elected politicians have acted in their name and no self-appointed group has a mandate or a right to go against the wishes of the people. They never had, but certainly not now that all doubts and all historical excuses have been wiped away.

What we celebrate today is historic, but our celebration should be calm and low key. While it is historic, it has been paid for at a great price. It is a sombre experience to read the book Lost Lives which details the 3,637 people who died, why they died and how they died. Some people in this House have direct experience in this regard. The late Senator Gordon Wilson was in this House because of his loss. Senator Quinn's family suffered - his relatives are among the 3,637 people who died. Those of us who have been Members of the Oireachtas for some time rose week after week to condemn the individual atrocities, to express our sympathy, to look evil in the face and to wonder if it would ever end.

I select two entries at random from the book of those who died.

No. 2,058, Laetitia McGrory, South Belfast, civilian, Catholic, 55, married, five children, from Lucan Heights , Lucan, County Dublin. The mother of five daughters was killed in an explosion on the Dublin to Belfast train. Four other people were injured, three of them seriously. In all, four IRA bombs went off on the 8 a.m. train as it approached Central Station. About 100 passengers were on the cheap day excursion. As a result of the explosions, the train caught fire.

William Smith, north Belfast, October 25, 1978, death no. 2,060, Catholic, 54, married with children. He was shot as he returned home from the Catholic ex-serviceman's club which he managed in Ardilea Street in the republican Bone district of Oldpark. The incident took place just a few yards from his home in Ballyclare Street, also in the Bone. He was shot through the back of the head at close range by a gunman who walked up to him and fired a single shot. He was dead on arrival at the Mater Hospital.

They are just two out of 3,637 people, two innocent people. That is the price that has been paid.

Now it looks as if it has ended but let us not be triumphalist and let us not talk about victory or defeat. Let us talk instead about normalcy, normal human relations between those living on the same island, normal political relations between people of different traditions and normal friendly relations between people of neighbouring isles. We saw this displayed last week in Stormont, yesterday in Armagh and we will see it later this week in London.

This is a time to go easily. There are still some fragilities, some sensitivities and some very vulnerable areas. There is still great hatred and much to be forgiven. There are evil men on both sides who have not gone away, who have no intention of going away and, even now, are plotting to wreck what has been achieved. We may be certain of that and hard things may yet have to done by the new rulers of Northern Ireland and by the two sovereign governments. There are still powerful vested interests who will not give up easily - godfathers whose prosperity and power is threatened by the new arrangements and who will fight hard and dirtily to keep what they have.

As the Taoiseach mentioned, there are still some obstacles such as decommissioning. I was impressed that the Taoiseach regards this as part of the agreement that will be fully implemented. On this matter I say to Sinn Féin that the failure to decommission is a bigger threat to it than the Unionists. If Sinn Féin wants normal politics, if it aspires to a career in government and if it believes in politics, then it has no need for the IRA. If it believes in these goals, in the new circumstances of trust and guarantees, the guarantee of the two governments and the vote of the people, the IRA is redundant. It is not in the interests of Sinn Féin to have a sullen, dissatisfied IRA looking over its shoulder with its armchair generals, back-seat drivers and men of lethal and evil intent.

The brighter people in Sinn Féin know this. They do not need to be told they are at a point in their history where decommissioning and the continuation of the IRA are bigger long-term threats to them than to any other group and that what they have achieved could well be destroyed by the people within rather than by the forces without. They know that and I hope that they will act on that knowledge.

Most of all today is a day for saying thanks. We can analyse and have a full discussion later. I thank the people who made today possible - John Hume and Séamus Mallon, as the Taoiseach mentioned, David Trimble, Gerry Adams, Tony Blair, President Clinton and, perhaps most of all, George Mitchell. I also thank the many other people, such as the unsung heroes and heroines of the voluntary groups who, over the dark, difficult days, promoted cross-Border co-operation at times when it was very difficult to do so.

I will say a special word on our Taoisigh of the past 30 years. Jack Lynch kept a fragile peace together during his time. Liam Cosgrave made Sunningdale possible an agreement which was so prescient and so much of which is incorporated in the new arrangements. Garret Fitzgerald gave us the Anglo-Irish Agreement, helped by Deputy Dick Spring, without which the progress of the past decade would not have been possible. Charles Haughey raised the issue to the totality of relationships. Deputy Albert Reynolds injected life and hope into a process that had all but died. Deputy John Bruton's dogged determination produced the Framework Agreement. What has now been achieved will stand as a monument to the current Taoiseach, Deputy Bertie Ahern. Whatever else happens in his career, the Good Friday Agreement and the events of the last week will be regarded as his finest achievement.

Mr. Cassidy: Hear, hear.

Mr. Manning: In that spirit, I thank God that we are where we are and hope that all our people can enjoy the quiet miracle of normal life, normal politics, peace and tolerance in the new millennium.

Dr. Haughey: The partitioning of Ireland has raised many questions, it has split many families and it has taken the lives of many people, both Irish and English. Has the Belfast agreement signalled the end of the cold war between North and South? Can we properly liken the Good Friday Agreement to the coming down of the Berlin Wall? Yesterday was a milestone in Irish history with the assembling in Armagh city, the ecclesiastical capital of this island, of the Cabinet and Taoiseach, the Government of this Republic sitting in consultation and dialogue with the democratically elected representatives of all shades of opinion from Northern Ireland, a state which has a past steeped in hate, division and mistrust.

The purpose of yesterday's meeting was to constructively promote and develop harmony and commercial progress, political understanding and tolerance of the betterment of all on this island. This meeting signalled the end of an old era and the bringing in of a new dawn where all shades of political opinion met together in a democratic forum for the purposes of carrying out their duties and recognising and accepting each others' rights to differ in aspirations by agreeing never again to use a weapon of force in place of democratic persuasion.

We are aware of the campaign of violence in the 1950s and the early 1960s which resulted in men from both sides of the partition line being incarcerated without trial. Northern Ireland experienced a curfew and people were murdered. The two sides will attempt to justify their actions and their reasons, but let us hope that attempts at justification are at an end.

Some Members will remember the famous speech made by Captain Terence O'Neill when he was Prime Minister of Northern Ireland. A phrase he used in that speech has been rehearsed many times since. His opening to that 1996 speech was "Ulster is at the crossroads". I know the man who wrote that speech and I have talked to him many times since. How true those words were and they are true to this day. Ulster is still at the crossroads and unless and until we move into the highway now open to us, the risk of a wrong turn down the narrow road of violence, intimidation and hate is still there. There are still those who have words of hate foaming from their lips. Hopefully, the winds of change will dry them and the open-minded and well-meaning 90% of people will continue to give support in the admirable manner in which they have done.

The year 1966 saw the sectarian murder of Roman Catholic Peter Ward in Malvern Street, off the Shankill Road. Historians will say this was the beginning of the so-called "recent troubles". A person was arrested and jailed for the murder.

Seán Lemass visited Stormont, flanked by Frank Aiken, as the guest of Captain Terence O'Neill. His visit caused uproar at the time and some of the same voices are still being heard today. However, there were those who said enough is enough and the civil rights movement in the United States fuelled the will and gave sustenance to the sympathies of the nationalist cause in Northern Ireland. The desire for change was, however, too high a demand to be accepted by adversaries. The passive policies of well meaning people were overrun and subsumed by those who were not willing to wait and wanted more direct action. There were certain people who availed of every possible opportunity and occasion to antagonise and inflame and who used every means at their disposal to do this. They labelled the RUC as the military wing of unionism in the minds of Nationalists. This was truly the beginning of the end of the era which resulted from the partitioning provided for in the 1920 Act.

The battle of the Bogside occurred on an August evening in Derry in 1969. We heard of the spread of violence throughout Northern Ireland, allegedly to take the heat off the people of the Bogside, which resulted in houses being burned in west Belfast, streams of refugees leaving the city and Jack Lynch's statement, "We will not stand idly by". This led to further violence and much of the history of this period is better not dwelt upon. I will pass over the shootings, bombings and intimidation which occurred in the 1970s and 1980s - the Dublin and Monaghan bombings, the bombing of the Abercorn restaurant in Belfast, Bloody Friday and Bloody Sunday. Thank God we are big enough, good enough and strong enough to put all this behind us.

The first light dawned with the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement and we must acknowledge and admire those who conceived it and brought it to fruition. The Agreement resulted in enormous opportunities but there was also enormous opposition to it. However, righteousness prevailed. It could be said that the Agreement marked the beginning of the internationalisation of the peace movement in Northern Ireland. The Agreement - a treaty between two sovereign nations - was lodged with the United Nations with the full endorsement and guarantee of the United States, the European Community, Australia and other nations. Those nations matched their endorsement with money and the International Fund for Ireland was born. Both parts of the island benefited from the fund. Houses, waterways and other developments too numerous to mention were refurbished and prospered with the financial support provided. For the first time ever, it was demonstrated that a solution might be found through the internationalisation of the Irish problem. Paradoxically, the workings of British democracy depressed the progress of that extraneous influence. Thankfully, we had patient statesmen in this country who worked diligently to lever up the international influence which brought about the circumstances from which the ceasefire resulted some four years ago.

As is the case with any agreement, there were broken promises, misinterpretations and U-turns. We witnessed patience and impatience, breakdowns and retribution. We know too well that lurking in the background during this period were those who did not want progress. Today, we have a new agreement. Some fanatical and bigoted people will choose not to see reason in the excellent Agreement which has been negotiated at great cost and political pain to its participants. There are no losers here. For the first time, we have two Governments on this Ireland, democratically endorsed by 95% and 75% respectively of the people of Northern Ireland and endorsed by world governments with the goodwill and support of all nations. We have democratically appointed institutions which will respect and acknowledge the will of all of the people of Northern Ireland and which recognises the equality of the people of this island. Those who work in those institutions have vowed to use only democratic means to achieve their aspirations. Each participant in Government will be acknowledged and afforded the appropriate protocol and dignity to which he or she is entitled by virtue of his or her office. The Heads of State of this country and of the United Kingdom met in London in a spirit of courtesy and trust. Hopefully, a reciprocal invitation will be issued to Queen Elizabeth to visit Dublin.

This century is drawing to a close on a wave of devolution. Devolution is parochialising power and authority which, in turn, will localise accountability and create circumstances in which elected representatives will be engaged in real politics. We are not out of the woods yet. There is still the burning question of Drumcree and the emotive issue of the RUC's future. The Patten report has made recommendations, many of which are proving very distasteful to the Unionist population. That level of distaste should not be underestimated. The situation at Drumcree will be resolved through negotiation, understanding and compromise.

I urge the Government to lead an initiative, with the Northern Ireland Assembly and the British Government, to produce in unison appropriate legislation guaranteeing equality and the rights of Orangemen and the Protestant tradition, together with Nationalists and republicans, to express their culture as part of the heritage of this island. Perhaps Article 40 of the Constitution could be amended towards this end. I will conclude on that point, although I could say a lot more. I thank the Taoiseach and congratulate him on his achievement.

Mr. Ross: I wish to share time with Senator Henry.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Is that agreed? Agreed.

Mr. Ross: The evident maturity of Irish politics demonstrated in this House during recent debates on Northern Ireland is quite remarkable. There is none of the divisiveness or political bickering which arises in regard to other subjects on which people are divided for petty traditional reasons. It shows a great sense of responsibility on the part of all Members, particularly Members of the Opposition, that this matter can be discussed in a calm manner and that we are totally unanimous in our support of what has happened in Northern Ireland as a result of the efforts of the Taoiseach and others.

Fifteen years ago, debates on Northern Ireland in this and the other House were far more heated. I am sure many of us, myself included, said things which were irresponsible and which we would now regret. It is a measure of the manner in which the situation has changed that we all accepted the need to compromise, make concessions and swallow certain measures which we may not have particularly liked. I congratulate the Taoiseach on his efforts. I also congratulate the former Taoisigh, Deputies John Bruton and Albert Reynolds. We must acknowledge that there has been an all-party unity on this issue which has been particularly helpful in bringing peace about. Senator Manning correctly pointed out that while we are to some extent celebrating a triumph today, we must remember that more than 3,000 people were killed in Northern Ireland. They cannot be compensated for what happened to them at that time. We should at least remember that. As citizens of the Republic we should also be grateful that, although some awful massacres and tragedies happened in Dublin, Monaghan and other places, we were relatively unscathed in this war and had very few casualties. We did not have to suffer. We did not have to show the same forbearance as was shown by people on all sides in Northern Ireland. That is something we should remember should this type of war ever look like breaking out again. I hope it does not.

We should also acknowledge, on this side of the House, those of us who campaigned long to expel the republican taboos, that those who hold dearly those very strong Nationalist republican traditions have had to make great sacrifices as well. David Trimble has had to make enormous sacrifices, difficult political sacrifices, in the past few years. He had a difficult political road to conquer.

Fianna Fáil - let me spell it out - has had to swallow some pretty horrible medicine in recent times. It was not easy for Fianna Fáil to sacrifice Articles 2 and 3 as it did in the past few days. That was a great achievement and something we should acknowledge. I have long believed we should, but I realised the difficulty. Many times I have heard Fianna Fáil people say in regard to extradition that it would never happen, that they would never hand people over. They have had to swallow that as well, and it should be acknowledged. It shows a great maturity in Irish politics which we should accept and be thankful for, those of us who campaigned for it for a long time.

On the other side the fact that we have had to engage with Northern Ireland has done a great deal for our society. I have always believed that the liberalisation of our laws has had something to do with our need to integrate the whole island in a common pluralist philosophy. Were it not for the need to prove to Unionists that we had a liberal Constitution, I do not believe we would have made the necessary changes to our Constitution. We did it because we needed to unite the hearts and minds of people in this country. We should acknowledge the role they played, even tacitly, in doing that and in improving society down here.

Let us not harp on the past. It is time to look to the future. Let us look for far more engagement with the people up there, of which there is far too little. It is quite extraordinary how little we travel to Northern Ireland and they come down here. Let us tell them what is really happening in the Republic, to forget about their taboos about the Catholic Church, that that is over and gone, and to forget about their fears of others threatening them. That is now virtually over as well. I know it will not be said on that side of the House, but nobody believes that a united Ireland is coming. It may come eventually, but nobody believes any push for it is realistic. That is over, and we should persuade them it is over as well. We should tell them to look at how well we have done down here, that this is an attractive country, a great place to visit, that it is economically a wonderful country which has achieved so much in recent years, and that they should share that with us. That is what we should say to them. We should offer to share that wealth with them in terms of knowledge and in terms of co-operation.

We should also acknowledge the great forbearance of those people in Northern Ireland over a period of more than 30 years which we have not had to share. I look forward, thanks to the Taoiseach and several Taoisigh before him, to a period of normal politics in Northern Ireland. It will be difficult. There are real difficulties for Unionist people in seeing Martin McGuinness as Minister for Education. There are real difficulties for Nationalists seeing an Executive dominated by Unionists. However, because of the responsibility of politicians down here and maturity on all sides, the future is now very bright. I thank the Taoiseach for coming here tonight.

Dr. Henry: I too congratulate the Taoiseach on the achievements of the past few days. I congratulate and thank all those politicians who have been involved for their strength, their forbearance and their flexibility over the past years when we managed to make progress in the North, leading to this. The important thing about the North-South Implementation Bodies which have been set up is that they are of practical value, and if one set things up for people which are of practical value, they are far more likely to succeed.

I will hark back again to my own old favourites in the area of health initiatives where, without having to set up any implementation bodies, we have an institute of public health down the road, an all-Ireland body in the Royal College of Physicians of Ireland, headed by a woman doctor from Northern Ireland, Dr. Jane Wilde. There are numerous such initiatives. These are the types of practical areas we must address. I sincerely hope there will be east-west initiatives as well. Having had experience on the British-Irish Inter-parliamentary Body with our Welsh and Scottish colleagues, I hope there will be fruitful progress in that area.

There is one area that I would ask the Taoiseach to deal with in a different way to the way it has been dealt with and that relates to the Nationality and Citizenship Bill, 1999. The changes in Articles 2 and 3 do not require changes in the rights to citizenship which have been made in that Bill. The 1956 Bill was a very generous Bill which gave citizenship to anyone born on this island. I do not see why changes in that Bill should be needed because of changes in Articles 2 and 3. If there are other reasons, it would be wise to discuss them publicly rather than pretend it is because of these changes in Articles 2 and 3 that the changes in the rights to citizenship are being brought in.

We need to recognise as well the huge importance of the contribution of all those in civic life in Northern Ireland to the progress that has been made. Senator Manning referred to the lost lives - over 3,000 in 30 years. However, Croatia is going through a period of great change at the moment. It must be remembered that in three days, south of Vukovar, 7,000 people died. The line must have been held to a tremendous extent by people in civil society in the North that we did not have a breakdown and disorder such as that which happened in Croatia just a few years ago.

We need to be very careful about cultural stereotyping of people in Northern Ireland. Senator Ross is right when he says it is most important that we make as much contact as we can with people in Northern Ireland. They are much better about coming down here. I find if one asks even Members of this House to recommend a restaurant in Belfast, there is a shortage of replies. If we would try sampling the cuisine of Northern Ireland - and I do not mean the Ulster fry - making trips to the Giant's Causeway and shopping expeditions to the various Bloomfield centres and so on, we would be helping to cement the bonds which have been so ably formed this week by the Taoiseach in Armagh.

Ms Keogh: Watching events unfold in recent weeks in Northern Ireland I could not help but think that the extraordinary was well on its way to becoming the ordinary. As the Taoiseach said a few minutes ago, we have seen in recent weeks the entry into force of the British-Irish Agreement, the devolution of powers from Westminster, the establishment of a new Executive in Northern Ireland, changes in Articles 2 and 3 of our Constitution, the establishment of North-South Implementation Bodies and the inaugural meeting of the North-South Ministerial Council in Armagh yesterday. On Friday the new British-Irish Council and the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference will meet in London, and early in the new year the six North-South Implementation Bodies are expected to be up and running. Slowly but surely the structures of peace and a new political dispensation on this island are being put in place.

A decade ago few would have predicted the strides which have been made towards the achievement of lasting peace and a new political order on the island. This week ten years ago Northern Ireland was coming to terms with yet another terrorist attack. At that time two British soldiers were killed in a large scale IRA attack on a Border checkpoint in County Fermanagh. The talk at that time was of a pre-Christmas bombing campaign and possible reprisals. The prospect of peace was not on anyone's lips. At a time like this it is important to remember how far we have travelled since then and how vital it is that we successfully undertake the full journey away from a bloody past and into a peaceful future.

Christmas is always a very difficult time for those who have lost loved ones. It is particularly difficulty for those who have had fathers, mothers, sons and daughters taken from them through the evil of terrorist violence. The grim statistic of 3,637 killings, quoted by Senator Manning with graphic descriptions of two of the killings, should reinforce what we are trying to achieve. There must be mixed emotions among many bereaved families this Christmas here and particularly in Northern Ireland. Many will be happy that peace is beginning to gain a foothold in their communities but sad at the same time that all this did not happen before the people they loved were taken from them. I am particularly glad to welcome the suggestion of a day of remembrance because it is in remembering those who have lost their lives that we will be reinforced in our belief that peace is what we need.

As we move forward with the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement we must never forget the backdrop against which this process is set. It seeks to replace the politics of division and bigotry with a new politics based on consensus and agreement and a genuine understanding of the concerns of others. I look forward to the politics of the island becoming normalised to the extent that the rows which take place will centre on policy issues, much like the rows we have here. As an island we have much to gain from closer co-operation; so much can be achieved which will be of lasting mutual benefit. Together politicians North and South can begin to shape a new future of shared prosperity for all our citizens. Working together in partnership we can turn into reality the prospect of a new beginning in relationships on the island.

Nowhere was the new spirit of partnership and working together more in evidence than in Armagh yesterday where the North-South Ministerial Council held its inaugural meeting. Its great import was underlined here tonight by the Taoiseach who described the meeting as the biggest thing which had happened in his political life. That is how extraordinary the meeting was. Senator Manning is correct in saying the commitment of the Taoiseach and his role in the process will be his political legacy. It was incredible to see on our television screens the Ministers of our Government and those of the new Administration of Northern Ireland sitting in one room around a table to discuss in a positive and constructive fashion the scope for increased co-operation in the future. The Taoiseach confirmed this evening that the meeting was business-like and cordial. That is how it should be when political representatives from the same island meet, but this is the sort of normal political engagement which was made abnormal by decades of violence. Free from the spectre of terrorism, hopefully forever, there is no limit to what can be done together.

The Ministerial Council will oversee and direct the work of the six implementation bodies which have been established and , I hope, will be effective and meaningful executive agencies with an all-Ireland or cross-Border remit. Inevitably it will take a little time for them to become fully operational but, as we know, considerable preparatory work has already been done and I look forward to them making their mark very quickly.

Both North and South have long accepted that our economic future is dependent on our openness to the world economy. In these days of globalisation it seems only right that we are embarking on a new era of openness in Ireland between North and South and our two traditions. I firmly believe that strengthening our common base will equip us better for the full rigours of the world marketplace. Co-operation and action for mutual benefit on the island can hurt nobody and will pay dividends to everyone. The prize is within our grasp. An economically vibrant society will provide the means whereby want, poverty, marginalisation and dispossession are eliminated. We share similar resources and similar constraints on the island, and it is only by working together that we can continue to eliminate the constraints and develop our resources, including our people - our greatest resource - to the full.

At this turning point in our history we have been given an opportunity denied to previous generations to work together, to enhance the well being of all the people on the island, to advance the work of healing and reconciliation and to definitively turn the page on the past and open a new chapter in the story of our island. As we know, elements of the Good Friday Agreement remain to be put in place and the vexed issue of policing - reform of the RUC and the Patten Commission - has to be addressed. The issue of decommissioning has yet to be resolved but I take encouragement from the recent report of General John de Chastelain. It would be a real tragedy if the new institutions now being established were undermined by a failure on the part of the paramilitaries to live up to their obligations. It is unthinkable that the historic steps now being taken could be unravelled by a small minority who do not share our vision of an island at peace with itself. We must be realistic: there is a small element - if one wishes one can call it the real IRA - which is still utterly determined to undermine and ruin the entire process.

The creation of a lasting peace is a fitting challenge for the new millennium and one to which I am sure we can rise together. We know that great credit is due to all political leaders, North and South, who have contributed to the new circumstances which prevail. In every debate in the House we have thanked and encouraged all those leaders, the British and Irish Governments, and all those who have given so much to the peace process. In particular we remember Senator George Mitchell who has been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize. However, we cannot rest on our laurels. I would like to think that people in elected chambers throughout the country would turn their minds to how best they can contribute to forging new links between North and South.

I am a member of the British-Irish Interparliamentary Body which is an example of how relationships can be built over the years and trust can be established between people of opposing or very different views. It is a model for what can be achieved and I would like to see it developed as a North-South, east-west link or a Council of the Isles - a term I hate. We should be cherishing the great amount we have in common, not pointing out what divides us. I would like to see that body develop its role, perhaps a role of scrutiny in terms of the bodies which have been formed.

Our new year's resolution should be to make new friendships to help the peace last.

Mr. O'Dowd: Fáiltím roimh an Taoiseach agus an tAire. Is ocáid stairiúil seo gan aon dabht, agus aontaím go mór leis na rudaí atá ráite cheanna féin. Last Thursday morning at about 10.30 in O'Neills Pub on Third Avenue in New York Hillary Clinton walked into a group of Irish Americans. She was on a political campaign and held a very comprehensive press conference. The remarkable thing was that she was accompanied by all the press and television cameras in New York State. The comprehensive way in which she dealt with all the questions, but in particular her total knowledge, familiarity and support for the Irish Government and for what had happened in Northern Ireland, was very clear. The Taoiseach in his contribution tonight has acknowledge the work done by the Clinton Administration in bringing about this sea change in Irish politics and in relations in general between Britain and Ireland.

Last Tuesday night I listened to Senator George Mitchell giving a very comprehensive account of his emotions on being the son of a very poor Irish emigrant. I think his parents were unable to read and write when he was born. He was reared in an orphanage. His commitment to his country of origin and to his Irish heritage led him to do such great work. When his son was born, he asked how many children were born in Belfast on the same night. When he was told that 61 children were born, he said he would make it his business to bring peace to them as well, which he did. We hope he will be given the Nobel Peace Prize, which is the least he should get.

There has been a sea change in our views in the South. The traditions of Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Labour with which we were raised were based on the philosophy of the patriots in the early part of this century. We are now setting our own agenda and establishing traditions of peace, normality and exchange between North and South and Catholics and Protestants. I am optimistic for our children and for future generations. There is still a long way to go but we have the basis for a clear, comprehensive and integrated settlement between North and South, Britain and Ireland and Nationalists and Unionists in the North. Our key task now is to manage the progress which has been made.

It is important that public deadlines are not set by any side and that we listen to the comments made by General de Chastelain who said that progress is being made on decommissioning. We should leave it to him and his team to deal with both sides so that the guns are finally silenced and there is an end to the violence and to the disposal of hooded bodies along the Border in County Louth and County Armagh. Lost Lives is an important book which highlights the suffering of all the people on both islands. I hope such suffering is behind us and that we will work together to manage the process, as past Taoisigh have done so well. Each of them brought the process one step closer to peace.

As someone who comes from a Border county, I welcome peace. We will get a sense of fulfilment if we co-operate with our neighbours in the North in areas such as health and education. There is a good hospital in Newry, Daisy Hill, and others in Dundalk and Drogheda. Perhaps the respective health boards could co-operate to establish specialties so that people could go to one of those hospitals to get the treatment they require, rather than having to travel to Dublin. It is a great time in education and to deal with human needs which can be addressed through the normal political system. We should also co-operate in the areas of tourism and local government.

I acknowledge the work of David Trimble who jumped first for peace. I hope the DUP, which took none of the risks but is now reaping the benefits, is brought into the peace process. It is better to have it involved in the peace process. It has come some of the way but we need it to go further.

My brother, Niall O'Dowd, went to America 15 or 20 years ago to play Gaelic football in Chicago. He went, like many emigrants, with one hand as long as the other. He has played a major role in the peace process. I know from speaking to him over the years the work he and others have done. When the first power sharing Executive was set up in Northern Ireland in 1974, hundreds of thousands of people protested on the streets of the North and brought it down. In 1985 over 250,000 people stood on the streets of Belfast and said, "Belfast Says No". Two weeks ago when my brother was in Belfast he saw four protesters protesting about abortion, not about the North. That is the extent of the sea change.

We must work for consensus across all parties. I acknowledge the work the Taoiseach and the Government have done. I also acknowledge the work done by Deputy John Bruton and other former Taoisigh. Each of them played his part in the peace process. We in the Seanad will play our part in the new millennium. Perhaps the first thing we should do is travel to the North to meet our peers and to invite them here.

The biggest issue between the North and South will be the value of the punt versus the pound, which is worse today. That has serious political and economic implications for us. We must come to grips with these issues in the future.

Mr. Lanigan: I wish to share my time with Senator Maurice Hayes whose contribution will be more important than mine.

Acting Chairman (Mr. Finneran): Is that agreed? Agreed.

Mr. Lanigan: This is an historic occasion. We are helping to solidify what has happened in recent years and to get consensus within the island of Ireland on how we want to live. Two of the new Ministers in the North of Ireland served in this House, Mr. Séamus Mallon and Ms Bríd Rodgers. They would not have been here but for Charles Haughey. They made a positive contribution, as Senator Maurice Hayes is doing at present.

Members mentioned the Nobel Peace Prize. Anyone can nominate a person for it. Anyone who has been involved in what has happened in recent years should be nominated, although I am not sure who should get it. We should nominate those who helped to create the atmosphere which culminated in the events of this week, such as David Trimble, John Hume, Gerry Adams or the Taoiseach.

General de Chastelain did not say he would solve the problems of Northern Ireland. He waited to do what he was asked to do. He is trying to get people into the mindset of decommissioning. Decommissioning is a symbolic act but it must happen. Arms could be decommissioned tonight but more could be bought tomorrow anywhere in the world.

Every element of society in the North of Ireland has shown a commitment to peace. Forget about the political parties. The people have decided they want to live in a peaceful society and to join the rest of Europe in developing a future for their children.

In the South of Ireland very few people now go to mass, although most of us claim to be Catholics. Attendance at Christian services is higher in the North of Ireland. Christianity is not the basis of the conflict.

We must acknowledge the work which has been done by Governments, by community groups and by those who have previously been involved in violent struggle but who are now involved in the democratic process. The Mourne Mountains may very well sweep down to the sea but it is the people who live there who count. The Mourne Mountains or lakes of Killarney make no difference. If the people of Killarney and the people of County Down can live in peace and security and can educate their children we will be able to live on this island in peace and prosperity.

We cannot imagine the work which has been done in recent years, we cannot envisage how much has been put into this. At 62 years of age, I never thought we would have reached the stage we are at today. We are here; let us ensure that future generations will never again allow politics or religion to kill people and that our grandchildren and great-grandchildren will be able to live on this island in peace and harmony.

Dr. M. Hayes: Tá mé buíoch as an Seanadóir Lanigan as a chuid ama a scaradh liom. Tréaslaím do gach aon duine, go mór mhór don Taoiseach, as an iarracht atá déanta acu agus as an duais mór atá buaite acu do gach aon duine atá ina chónaí ar an oileán seo.

I join the tributes Members have already paid to the Taoiseach. I was pleased Senator Manning spoke the way he did, particularly that he remembered the victims, because victims there were and victims there will continue to be. Part of the challenge of the coming years will be to bind the wounds and to help those affected.

I have been trying to get a rope on to this ship for 30 years and I am delighted that it has finally been guided into port. I congratulate the Taoiseach. This will be a historic moment in his period in office. Through him, I congratulate those Taoisigh before him who also laboured at this. I also congratulate the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Andrews, and the Minister of State, Deputy O'Donnell. In the roll call of previous Ministers for Foreign Affairs, I wish to recognise the role played by Deputy Spring in particular. His contribution during a crucial period was vital. Behind these people there are dedicated and gifted civil servants whose part should also be recognised. It is not convention to mention their names in the House but I am glad that Senator Mitchell mentioned those concerned in his report. Nobel Prize or not, this country owes Senator Mitchell an enormous debt of gratitude. I would like the Taoiseach to consult with the other party leaders to see how, in the absence of an honours system, this State might convey our gratitude to him.

I have particular admiration for the political leaders in Northern Ireland. These people have put not only their political reputations but their very lives at risk. They are courageous people who deserve the thanks and congratulations of us all. I hope when the history of this period is written it will be recognised that we arrived at this point not as a result of a campaign of violence but in spite of one. You would have to look hard at the small print of the Good Friday Agreement to find anything that was not on offer in the Sunningdale Agreement, 3,000 lives ago. We must ask ourselves why those 3,000 lives had to be spent in vain.

Nevertheless, I am pleased with the constructive air of the Taoiseach's statement and that there was no note of triumphalism in it. Senator Ross mentioned the sensitivities of people in Northern Ireland at the moment. It is a fraught time. My mother, a wise old woman from north Kerry, used to say to us, "Walk easy when your jug is full". We should bear that in mind. We do not want to see the remarkable developments which took place yesterday as a stepping stone to anything except peace and prosperity. One man's stepping stone is another man's slippery slope. David Trimble has done wonders in bringing his party and his people to the point at which they are. It is, however, still in the balance to an extent so this is not a time for triumphalist language. A united Ireland, if it comes, will come because it will make no difference. It might be something entirely different to anything we might imagine at the moment, particularly in the context of changing relationships in Europe and within these islands.

The most important thing is that the bodies that are set up do sensible, practical and worthwhile things. They will convince people of their utility by doing a good job. In doing a good job, they will help people to get to know each other, to build up trust and will break down the barriers which have divided us for too long.

The Taoiseach mentioned aspects of the Good Friday Agreement on which an eye must be kept. Decommissioning, be it voluntary or symbolic, is important. Equally important, and here I must be immodest, is the Patten report and the necessary changes to policing. There should be no trade-off between one and the other. They are both necessary for a settled peace and a settled society. Both should be pressed on with.

For me this is a very emotional time, a great time to be alive, a time when we finally see the ending of old animosities. We are seeing something many of us thought would be difficult to achieve - people sitting down together, having put the huge questions which divided us for so long to one side. They are concentrating on ensuring a better life for our children and our children's children - ensuring prosperity, peace, a better quality of life and a chance in life for all the children of the island. As John Hume has said repeatedly, it is the unity in the minds of people we want to think about.

I pay tribute to those who have contributed to this process. Senator Henry referred to the role of civil society - those who slogged away in community groups and kept the flame of hope flickering for so many years. They and all the political leaders should be remembered. The apotheosis of our tribute should be to the Taoiseach and his colleagues. I am glad to join in it.

Mr. Quinn: This is a day of memories. In his address to the House the Taoiseach agreed to the consideration of the recommendation for a day of remembrance by the victims' commissioner, former Tánaiste, John Wilson. I have consulted the book referred to by Senator Manning, which I had not seen, and read how my brother in law died. I well remember that day. I received a telephone call and had to visit my sister, knock on the door and tell her that her husband, the father of her seven children, had just been killed. It is an emotional day for those of us who have been touched by death in the North. I also learned of the death of Francis Peter Lane - I looked it up in this book - a cousin of the Clerk of the Seanad, Deirdre Lane, who was also killed in that week in 1972. It is a reminder of what is behind us.

It is also a reminder of those in the background who made so much effort to secure peace. When we remember those who died we should also remember those who worked for very little thanks. They include those involved in the Glencree project in Dublin, with their links to the North. I also think especially of two people from Belfast - Eleanor Kelly and Paddy Maynes - who brought 16 year old children together so they could look to the future from both sides. They took them to the Servite Monastery in Benburb, County Tyrone.

We also need to look to the future. The former Vice President of South Africa, F. W. de Klerk, attended the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation some years ago. He spoke of the efforts made to find a solution for the future and referred to economic measures. I met people from Carrickfergus and Larne two weeks ago. A number of factories were lost there because of economic circumstances, including the Courtaulds and the Marlborough factories, which relocated to South America and Mexico. As a result there is high unemployment in the region and it affects those who have not been used to it. They generally belong to the loyalist or Unionist tradition. They now look to the South and see our success. We must work hard to see that they benefit from the new deal. What better success could there be than the acceleration of the economy, enabling them to find employment?

Among the things we can do is to begin to think of Ireland as one island. We can begin to think of products in the North of Ireland as being our products. Some weeks ago I visited a shop with a colleague to purchase a wedding gift. When I considered buying linen my colleague suggested I buy some from the North. I realised that we have not begun to think of our opportunity to do something practical.

We talk about travel, communication and links, but if we begin to think of Ireland as one island we may ease the concerns of those who feel isolated, for example, the loyalists and the DUP. The DUP holds two ministries in the Northern Ireland Executive but they have not found it easy to sit at the table with their ministerial colleagues. That will happen, but it will occur much more readily and confidently if they begin to see successes and if their supporters find that the Agreement is beginning to work for them. It takes confidence, trust and patience. Let us ensure we set an example of that patience.

We look back on yesterday with the memory of the first signs of success. I hope they are the start of many more. I also hope the ongoing work in the various bodies and sets of relationships, and the benefits accruing from co-operation in areas such as food safety are some of the examples of success ahead.

The dedication in the book referred to by Senator Manning, which details the almost 3,700 people who died in the Northern Ireland troubles reads: "This work is dedicated to our children, that they might learn from the lessons of the past." We in this House and in this part of the country can set an example to our children and the children of the whole country, so that they might learn from the lessons of the past. If we grab the opportunity before us we will be on the first steps in that direction. It is a challenge. Let us make sure we accept it.

Mr. Lydon: I wish to share my time with Senator Ormonde.

Acting Chairman: Is that agreed? Agreed.

Mr. Lydon: What a great end to the century and what a great start to the new millennium. I believe, hope and pray we are witnessing the birth of a new Ireland. It will be a place where people are bound together by the terms of the Good Friday Agreement, an Ireland where, at long last, decisions on governance are reached as a result of the use of the ballot box and not the gun.

Like my father and forefathers I have wanted to see a united Ireland all my life. I grew up believing that one day this would happen, but like many an idealistic youth I never worked out how it would happen or what a united Ireland would be like. I used to talk about Wolfe Tone's dream of uniting Catholic, Protestant and dissenter, but I never thought about how that would come about. Now I know.

There is only one way forward, and it is by agreement nurtured by long, careful, arduous, painstaking negotiations. We will move forward together, not mile by mile, yard by yard, nor even foot by foot, but by agreement, inch by inch. We are on the way to a new Ireland that will, at last, be one. It will not be an Ireland where land is united but where people are united in a common purpose of making this island safe and prosperous for our people and our children.

With the establishment of the power sharing Executive, the North-South Bodies, the North-South Ministerial Council and the British-Irish Council, we have a chance to make our island a nation which acknowledges the diversity of culture and religion that exists on this island. It is a diversity that in the past has too often ended in adversity. I hope we are seeing an end to division.

However, there are still many bridges to cross and many hurdles to clear. The implementation of the Patten proposals and the demilitarisation of the Six Counties are just two examples. Above and beyond these tasks, we must learn to trust those who we could not trust, to live with those who perpetuated oppression and atrocities upon us and to accept as equals everyone who lives on this island and who is thereby deserving of the appellation Irishman.

I pay tribute again to all who made the peace agreement possible. We politicians are frequently castigated for our efforts, or our lack of them, in one area of endeavour or another. However, the politicians on all sides deserve great credit, perhaps especially those who have recently adopted the political over the violent way. The process was driven by a few, some of whom worked at great personal risk and - what is often forgotten - great personal cost. Although they have been mentioned already, the names of John Hume, Gerry Adams, David Trimble, Séamus Mallon and Martin McGuinness spring to mind as well as those of former Taoisigh such as Charles Haughey, Albert Reynolds, John Bruton and our current Taoiseach who worked assiduously and harder than anyone I know to bring about the peace process. If I were asked to nominate one person from those I could not do so and I would not because this has been a joint venture and that is the secret of the success of the Good Friday Agreement.

I pay credit, not just to the few well known people but to the hundreds of politicians of various hues and the hundreds of civil servants who worked all the time. I pay a special tribute to the hundreds of thousands of Irish women and men from the most northerly tip of Antrim to the most southerly tip of Cork who voted for the Good Friday Agreement and for peace. It was not peace at any price because nobody abandoned their principles or even their dreams or aspirations. It was a joint effort. Everyone gave a little and everyone gained a lot.

I pay a special tribute to all those who lost their lives and to all who were injured. Never again must we have this degree of pain and hurt visited on people on this island. There is a better way.

At a recent function I was privileged to hear that great statesman, Séamus Mallon, talk about the first time he drove up the drive to Stormont. He said he felt the building was "theirs". On a recent drive to the same building he said he felt it was "ours". It is ours. The counties are ours, the cross-Border bodies are ours, the future is ours, the peace is ours and God help anybody who does not grasp the opportunity which is now ours.

Ms Ormonde: This is a great day to be in the Seanad. It is a great day for me to reflect the dream of many who were in both Houses of the Oireachtas who would love to have seen this day. It is a partnership based on mutual trust for both parts of the island. Yesterday was a historic and emotional day and one to shape the future for the North and South. It is the culmination of many events and of the commitment of the parties and of successive governments here, in Britain and in the United States. The Good Friday Agreement has been implemented. We have shared prosperity with people of different beliefs who in the recent past have gone through an appalling period of conflict. We can now say that this island is rid of violence and sectarianism.

The setting up of the North-South Ministerial Council along with the institutions to oversee many projects in a range of areas, an integrated economy and cross-Border co-operation will make possible joint ventures in areas such as the supply of gas and electricity and the development of a North-South roads network.

It is right to pay a special tribute to the Taoiseach whose painstaking methods and innate negotiating skill have brought us to this day. I congratulate him. We must congratulate our previous leaders and those who became public representatives for the express purpose of bringing about partnership and peace and a united Ireland in whatever form it might take. I thank John Hume, Séamus Mallon and Gerry Adams. Nobody has mentioned Mo Mowlam. A special tribute must be paid to her for her good humoured and sensitive approach. I pay tribute also to Senator George Mitchell who brokered the Agreement and who found the formula which brought all sides into the camp. Watching him on television the other evening I could see that his personality was essential to making the negotiations work.

The North-South Ministerial Council will foster mutual benefit, mutual understanding and reconciliation. Each tradition will recognise the others. I wish our Ministers well in their dealings with their Northern counterparts and in their future work. The Good Friday Agreement was powerfully endorsed by the people who made it clear that they wanted the new institutions to thrive. We need goodwill and support. We must work together, both North and South, to bring this to the full fruition of an integrated economy for all Ireland.

Mr. Costello: I wish to share my time with Senator Jackman.

Acting Chairman: Is that agreed? Agreed.

Mr. Costello: The last two weeks have been more important than the previous 30 years of violence in Ireland. Senator Maurice Hayes put it very well when he said it is not because of the campaign of violence that we have reached this point but despite it. In the last two weeks we have seen the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement as the pieces of the jigsaw fell into place. Progress was painfully slow until last week, then the Executive was established, the Ministers appointed and power was shared at last. Articles 2 and 3 were fundamentally changed from a territorial claim to a claim of unity of minds. Westminster devolved power to the Executive in Northern Ireland and, in Iveagh House, the Anglo-Irish Agreement was superseded. Now, at last, the fate of Northern Ireland rests largely with the people of Northern Ireland. Yesterday the North-South Ministerial Council and the North-South Implementation Bodies established the North-South link. On Friday we will see the futher step of the establishment of the east-west link with the setting up of the British and Irish council and the intergovernmental conference. Those pieces of the jigsaw are falling into place to allow the Executive to be established which will relate North, South, east and west and which will bring peace in our time on this island.

I salute the people who have contributed so much, the ordinary people of Northern Ireland who have suffered so much over the years. I salute the figures who have been there from the beginning, particularly John Hume with his great philosophical reflective powers and his willingness to take steps which others were not prepared to take; Deputies Albert Reynolds, Dick Spring, John Bruton and the Taoiseach, Deputy Bertie Ahern who made major contributions; David Trimble, Séamus Mallon and Gerry Adams; the representatives of the smaller groups who are often forgotten, the Northern Ireland Women's Coalition who were the voice of reason for many years, the Alliance Party, the PUP and the UDP; and Senator George Mitchell who I hope will be honoured with the Nobel Peace Prize. Some Senator remarked that Mo Mowlam had not been mentioned. I wonder if the Prime Minister Tony Blair and President Bill Clinton have been mentioned. A huge number of very important people on the world stage have made an amazing contribution to Northern Ireland.

Of course, problems remain. Decommissioning is a major issue and it is unfortunate that it will be a live issue at the Ulster Unionist Council in February. It must be encompassed within the terms of the Good Friday Agreement and dealt with by May. I have no doubt that General de Chastelain will ensure that there will be no further serious obstacles in that regard. There also remains the problem of the Real IRA and the Continuity IRA. While they have been quiet in recent weeks they remain dangerous. They are still a threat which will have to be carefully watched.

We are now in the process of implementing the Good Friday Agreement. The major structural developments were introduced in the last two weeks. However, there are still other areas to be dealt with. The Government has been tardy in introducing the legislation providing for the Independent Human Rights Commission. The British Government introduced the legislation before last Christmas, but our legislation has not yet gone through the Houses of the Oireachtas and it is not yet possible to set up the joint committee of representatives of the commissions in the North and South. We need a new nationality and citizenship Bill. That was promised before the summer but there is still no sign of it. We also need a forum for peace and reconciliation.

These matters are encompassed within the Good Friday Agreement. How will we bind the wounds of the victims? So much death and damage has been caused to the families that survived. In the Republic there were the Dublin and Monaghan bombings which surely deserve a full inquiry in co-operation with the RUC and the Northern Executive. That issue should be advanced.

We should now deal with these matters. We have the peace and it is up to us to build on it. We should take the initiative and ensure we do the maximum to build on that peace.

Mrs. Jackman: I also pay tribute to the Taoiseach. We are into the dying days not only of this year but of the millennium. The days are usually dark and gloomy but today was surprisingly bright and cheerful. Shakespeare came to mind:

There's a divinity that shapes our ends,

Rough-hew them how we will.

Nobody could contemplate going into the new millennium on 1 January without peace. In a sense it is destiny. However, it is not something that happened simply because we wanted it to happen. It is due to the extraordinary commitment of many people.

Tribute has been paid tonight to the leaders of the great movement towards peace, including the previous Taoisigh who took faltering steps and sometimes had to bow to what seemed defeat. However, it was not defeat. It was a progression of steps that led to what we have today, the triumph of democracy and the will of the people. That is what came through to me from the commitment of Senator George Mitchell. It was a sense of tenacity, patience, bringing out what is best in everybody, waiting and giving a sense of hope that all strands would come together. He would have the least desire to have glory bestowed on him but he is the person who, in tandem with the commitments of others, gave us what we have today.

I pay tribute to the people who were not on the television screens, such as the civil servants who worked painstakingly through long hours and the families of the victims of violence who were able, despite the hurt and terrible loss, to state that they wanted peace. The normal reaction at such a time would be to say, "A plague on all your houses". They did not do that. Instead, they appealed to what is best in humanity, a sense of positivity and a sense of the triumph of hope and light over darkness.

The people who gave us what we have today come from different traditions. However, they never forgot where they are going. They did not forget that we should not squabble eternally over a small piece of land which, in the eyes of the Americans, is so tiny and insignificant that we must admire their sense of involvement, whether it was President Clinton or previous presidents who gave that support.

John Hume put the resolution of the conflict in the context of the European Union. He did so because he could see that the Union developed as a result of the two World Wars which devastated Europe and cost millions of lives. Putting it in that context, he painstaking worked on support from Europe to ensure we were not alone. In South Africa, whose former President, Nelson Mandela, visited both Houses of the Oireachtas, we saw a formula developed by other people who had to overcome enormous obstacles but who also had a tremendous sense of leadership and commitment to pick themselves up again at times of drastic darkness.

One also thinks of the Berlin Wall and how quickly German unification took place. It was followed by a type of stall and a sense of "What do we do now?" The members of LAMA have tremendous links with their counterparts in Northern Ireland. On the day when David Trimble showed his leadership in being able to bring his people with him, I chaired a session of the tourism conference in Ennis which was attended by Unionist and Nationalist politicians from Northern Ireland. They were thrilled that the vote had been positive. The link was already there. That day in Ennis, County Clare, they shared with us their sense of euphoria that things were moving on.

It is incumbent on us, whether through education, sporting links, women's groups or economic links, to work towards a lasting peace. It will not be easy. As the Taoiseach pointed out, there are still the problems of decommissioning and policing. However, the hearts of people throughout the world are with us as we approach the millennium with this most positive development, probably the highlight of this century for the South.

Ms Cox: I wish to share my time with Senators Ó Murchú and Rory Kiely.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Is that agreed? Agreed.

Ms Cox: One of the reasons I believed it important to speak in this debate was my desire to quote from the book Lost Lives: The stories of the men, women and Children who died as a result of the Northern Ireland troubles. The passage refers to victim number 1365:

April 22, 1975

e="Arial, Helvetica">Owen Boyle, Tyrone

Civilian, Catholic, 41, married, 8 children

He was fatally injured 12 days earlier in a UVF gun attack at his home at Glencull, near Aughnacloy, and died in Craigavon Hospital. The gunmen fired through the back window of his newly built bungalow, hitting him at least five times.

His wife's brother, Francis McCaughey, had been killed in an explosion at Glassdrummond in 1973. She told the coroner she and her husband were doing the dishes in the kitchen, which had no curtains. She said: "I heard a noise which I thought was being made by the water pipes. Then he doubled up and I saw blood coming from his shoulder". Owen Boyle shouted for the rest of the family to lie on the floor.

His sons were in the kitchen at the time and watched their father lying fatally injured on the ground. Those are the memories of Northern Ireland for many people. They are the reason it has been so difficult to get over the problems of the hatred, violence and hurt. While we may forgive, and we must forgive if we are to move on, it is important that we shall never forget. We must remember the more than 3,000 people who were killed since the troubles began and we must accept the hurt that has been caused on both sides of the divide, Catholic and Protestant, civilian and military. Those are the reasons we will never forget and they are also the reasons we must never go back.

Like other Senators, I wish to speak about the roles of various people, particularly the women of Northern Ireland as mothers, daughters and politicians. Without them, many of the achievements we have made would never have happened. There were the mothers who stood by the gravesides of children or husbands and watched them being buried. There were the daughters who watched their mothers being carried away and continued to help bring up their families and keep them together. There were also the women politicians - the former Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Dr. Mo Mowlam, the Women's Coalition, and all the women in the various political parties who brought so much sanity to bear in times when it was difficult for people to talk and when men often found it difficult to back down from confrontation or to come in from the cold of condemnation. We should pay tribute to those women.

We should also pay tribute to the politicians in the various groups in Northern Ireland and the politicians from abroad - the British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, the former Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Dr. Mo Mowlam, President Clinton and Hilary Clinton, Senator George Mitchell, General de Chastelain, the British and Irish Governments and all the people on both sides who did so much.

As the Taoiseach said, it is not over yet. We still face many challenges, such as the Bloody Sunday inquiry, the ongoing inquiry into Dublin and Monaghan bombings, the issue of the disappeared and the people who do not know where their family members are buried, and the need for an independent inquiry into the death of Rosemary Nelson.

There is a way forward. We will never forget, but we must continue to forgive. The challenge for us now is to examine our definition of republicanism and to realise that republicanism means the liberty to live in the country of one's choice, equality for every man, woman and child on the island and the freedom to live together in brotherhood on this island we call our own, the island of Ireland.

Labhrás Ó Murchú: Fáiltím roimh ráiteas an Taoisigh. Tá sé soiléir uaidh go roimh deacrachtaí mór le sárú sa phróiséas síochána. Tá sé soiléir freisin go raibh an-dul chun cinn déanta agus, mar gheall ar sin, go mba chomhair go mbéadh dóchas againn uilig don tódhchaí. The history and historical trauma of Ireland has been exceptionally protracted and intense. We are all aware that many of our people had to leave our shores and were scattered to the four corners of the earth precisely because we were denied our opportunities and our potential was blighted. Those who left never forgot their homeland and were always especially concerned that normal life would exist some day and that people would have the opportunities other nations had.

It is important we retain the legitimate aspiration of a united Ireland because it is a logical aspiration. One need only look at what has happened throughout the world. Many things which seemed impossible came to pass in a short time. When John Hume and Gerry Adams took the tentative first steps in the peace process, they were maligned and demonised by many sections of the media. However, because they believed in their vision and, more importantly, in the goodness and generosity of the people, they continued along that road. Through the work of our leaders and the international assistance we received, we saw yesterday what was possible.

It is difficult to hold out one's hand to someone who may be perceived as an enemy but it is generous and courageous to do that. That is precisely what we all must do at this time. I do not believe an imaginary border necessarily creates division between people. For those of us who travel in the North of Ireland on a regular basis, there is little indication that such a border exists. Looking at those in attendance at the North South Ministerial Council in Armagh yesterday, one perceived little difference between one person or another. One did not say they came from the Nationalist, republican or Unionist tradition or that they came from the Republic or the North. One could see that they were people working together as a team.

Without any outside interference, it is possible to respect all traditions on this island and, for that reason-----

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: According to the Order of Business and as I am advised by the House, statements are to conclude at 9.15 p.m. However, I am aware that this debate commenced late at 7.31 p.m.

Mr. T. Fitzgerald: I would like the House to amend the Order of Business. A number of speakers wish to contribute. Senator Ó Murchú is sharing with Senator Rory Kiely. After that, four other speakers wish to contribute. Perhaps we could continue for another 15 minutes until 9.35 p.m.

An Leas-Chathaoirleach: Is that agreed? Agreed. I apologise to Senator Ó Murchú.

Labhrás Ó Murchú: In deference to other speakers, I do not intend to speak for much longer. I join with everyone in congratulating all who played a part in this. Some years ago, it would have been difficult to visualise that we would reach such a historic occasion. We are also fully aware of the opportunities now presented to us as a people. I hope we will endeavour, no matter how difficult it is, to forget the many wrongs of the past and to think of all those who have suffered in any way. What is most important is that we are good disciples of humanity and we can all do that on this island.

Mr. R. Kiely: I am glad of the opportunity to contribute to the debate. It is a red letter day for the Seanad to discuss the meeting of the North-South Ministerial Council yesterday and the Good Friday Agreement which was agreed on Good Friday 1998, almost two years ago. It is wonderful that this historic meeting took place yesterday and I compliment those who brought it about - the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Deputy Andrews, the former Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Dr. Mo Mowlam, who has already been praised for her contribution, the former Taoiseach, Deputy Albert Reynolds, and the former Prime Minister, John Major. It is a wonderful achievement. We have come a long way and it is a pity that the meeting which took place in Armagh and the formation of the Northern Executive did not take place sooner. Problems arose and we accept that.

Senator Haughey paid tribute to all concerned and Senator Maurice Hayes referred to the contribution of the First Minister, David Trimble, in bringing his side with him. I wish to record the major contribution of Gerry Adams in bringing his people with him. It was difficult for both sides and it was a wonderful achievement for both Gerry Adams and David Trimble to bring their people together. In that respect, the Taoiseach was responsible for ensuring the two leaders were brought together at the negotiating table. I remember him saying on television that he thought it would be an impossible job. Dialogue is important, and I thank God that dialogue succeeded and that we now have this new body in Ireland.

The ceasefire which began in 1997 still holds and discussions are being held on decommissioning. It is important decommissioning takes place to satisfy some people. Peace was achieved in the South without decommissioning and the guns remained silent. The guns are silent now in the North and will remain silent, although I am sure there will be decommissioning.

Demilitarisation is another important aspect of the Agreement. On my way back from the funeral of our late colleague, Paddy McGowan, I was stopped by a member of the British Army in Aughnacloy. This should not happen. Senator Haughey raised the burning question of Drumcree. There is another burning question for Nationalists and the GAA. When Armagh played Galway last Sunday in Crossmaglen a British Army helicopter flew overhead. This must be addressed if the process is to succeed.

Ms Leonard: I congratulate and express my gratitude to the Taoiseach and the other leaders involved in bringing us to where we are today. The words "historic" and "euphoria" have been used often in recent weeks and months. I am always wary when such words are used as there have been many historic days in Northern Ireland over the years. The people of Northern Ireland, Nationalist and Unionist, have had their hopes built up on many occasions only to have them dashed. Despite the euphoria of recent weeks they remain wary of each other and the system of government on which they have embarked.

The Taoiseach said that Northern Ireland now has "a unique system of governance that deals with the reality of a divided society". While it is still a divided society because of the way of life during the years, the distance travelled by the politicians and people of Northern Ireland in recent years should not be underestimated. The change in attitude towards each other is very evident, particularly in recent months. I congratulate the leaders on the maturity they have shown in bringing the process this far.

We are finally seeing democracy at work. Seventy-five per cent of the people in the North and 95% in the South demanded peace and their wishes are now being realised. There will always be extremists on both sides who will continue to try to wreck the fragile process. It is my hope that in time they will come to realise that they have lost and we have finally turned the corner to some semblance of normality in Northern Ireland.

There will be many highs and lows but I am confident that there will be full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement, including the commencement of decommissioning. As a Senator from the Border area I look forward to greater co-operation, North and South, through the Implementation Bodies leading to strengthened economic and trade links, including tourism. I hope economic development alone will eradicate any borders that exist - geographic, social and economic.

I am not wont to quote from the Bible but one of its passages read during the Christmas period is appropriate in the context of this debate:

The people who have walked in darkness have seen a great light. On those who have lived in a land of deep shadow a light has shone.

The people of Northern Ireland who for many years had been living in a land of deep shadow saw the light in 1995 with the announcement of a ceasefire. I hope that light will shine all the brighter in the months and years ahead. This is a great nation and it can only improve through the joining of North and South.

Mr. O'Brien: I pay tribute to the Taoiseach. I am pleased and proud to be in a position to convey my sincere gratitude and congratulations to all concerned in bringing the current peace process to fruition. While our politicians and community leaders, men and women, on both sides of the Border have laboured unselfishly for so long and for such a good cause, let us not forget the people, North and South, who have encouraged and followed our peacemakers. Let us not forget either the families of all the men and women who died or suffered horrendous injuries in the course of the last 30 years. We owe it to them and future generations on this island to ensure peace prevails.

I live in Ballybay, County Monaghan, and my land adjoins the Dromore river which flows into the Annalee river and then Lough Erne where it waters the fertile meadows of Fermanagh before making its way to the sea at Ballyshannon or flowing through the canal into the River Shannon. I am convinced that our Northern neighbours will make a positive contribution to the economic, social and cultural development of this island. With the help of God we can look forward to working together, not only for the people of this island but for the less fortunate throughout the world. I have mentioned names in the past but today our future is in the hands of all our citizens.

Mr. Callanan: I thank the Taoiseach for coming to the House today. I also welcome the Minister of State, Deputy Dan Wallace. We have been afforded an opportunity to comment on what has been happening in the northern eastern part of the island. It is momentous and historic. Last Monday the Government joined with the appointed Ministers in the North in the ancient city of Armagh to establish the institutions. Coming as I do from County Cork, I welcome the location of the food safety body in UCC which has attained the necessary position of excellence.

I do not want to take time beyond what is available to me. My hopes and dreams are, and it is the dream of the people of where I come from which I want to reflect, that this is but a simple start on the road to a 32-county Republic. We have failed to grasp on some occassions this evening the significance of it. Let us not be afraid to say it. It is the wish of the Irish people as expressed in the referendum a few months ago that this road will lead to a united Ireland, a united people, solid and going forward together. It is right that this century should end with that hope and desire.

Mr. Chambers: I am deeply honoured to be a Member of this House, particularly because of the responsible role the Seanad and the Dáil have played in the development of the Northern peace process and the setting up of the Good Friday Agreement. It is a great honour to be here today. I pay tribute to the Taoiseach, all the people, all the parties, all the different Ministers, secretaries and advisers who brought about the Agreement. It was said today that if one were to look for differences between it and the Sunningdale Agreement one would have great difficulty finding many different aspects. One aspect of the Good Friday Agreement and the way it was brought about by the Taoiseach was that it was fair. It guaranteed the interest of all the people of Ireland, North and South, Protestant, Catholic and all persuasions. It gave them that assurance and comfort. The Agreement has underpinned the consent, fairness and the genuine interest of people at large. It provides a great opportunity.

The establishment of the North-South Ministerial Council opens up a new avenue for the development of our people together. Whilst we all have a nationalistic context, if it is the wish of the people, whatever that may be in the future, that will come about in the concept of development together, in education, the diversity of our people and the development of our people. We have a changing society. This will all play its part in that.

There is also a huge amount of hurt. This was mentioned by people who represent Border counties. A huge amount of personal damage and suffering has been inflicted on people. We have an opportunity to break down barriers of distrust and to heal the hurt that has been felt by people throughout the island. This is the great challenge that will face us in the future. We will succeed in that because we have come this far and we will go the rest of the way.

Mr. Bonner: I am glad to have this opportunity to say a few words as the Senator who comes from the most northerly part of this country. In my youth I spent many happy days in Northern Ireland. In those days the only fear we had going into the North was coming back out to face the customs officers. That was cut short in 1969 when the troubles started.

A member of my family has been deeply affected by the Troubles in the North. My wife's cousin, Patrick Shanahan, was murdered in 1991 going to his work. He lived in Killen, Castlederg. In the book Lost Lives his number is 3,222. He was murdered simply because he wanted to be Irish. He was a young man who had a great love for Ireland, the Irish language and the Irish culture. He was picked out and, with collusion from the security forces, murdered.

Everyone who has spoken before me has praised the people that have brought peace to our country, a peace that will be difficult. There will be difficult days ahead. As someone said, we will have to move along inch by inch. I do not want to give any more praise than has been given to the leaders that got us here. I want to pay respect to the people who suffered as a result of the troubles. For example, Mick Gallagher who lost his son and carried it with great difficulty after the Omagh bombing. Michael Grimes lost his wife, his daughter and his future grandchild. I remember the three young men from Donegal, James Barker, Shaun McLaughlin and young Oran Doherty. It was that event that brought us to where we are. The visit by David Trimble to their funeral in Buncrana brought hope to this country. I hope he can hold his nerve and that decommissioning, in some shape or form, will come in to satisfy the Unionists. If life spares me I hope we can recover from the 30 years of troubles where Northern Ireland was cut off from the people of Donegal.

Acting Chairman (Mr. R. Kiely): That ends statements on Northern Ireland. When is it proposed to sit again?

Mr. T. Fitzgerald: At 10.30 a.m. tomorrow.

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