On March
13, 1920,
Terence MacSwiney was unanimously elected Lord Mayor of Cork by the city's
Corporation, composed
of representatives of Sinn Fein, the Redmond, O’Brien and Unionist parties. His new duties found him
redoubling his enthusiasm for and devotion to the cause of Irish freedom. From then
on until the time of his arrest, no official was more regularly
in attendance at
the City Hall than Lord Mayor MacSwiney. He performed his mayoral duties without payment, because he had, with
characteristic unselfishness, assigned his
salary elsewhere. Prior to this, he
had represented the mid-Cork constituency in the Dail since the
election of 1918, and was
also Brigadier of the No. 1 Brigade, Cork
IRA.
Here in full is his speech on his
acceptance of the office of Lord Mayor. It must rank amongst the most remarkable of patriotic
addresses, illustrating the
extraordinary spiritual quality and depth of McSweeney’s
political creed. The short speech, made to
the entire Corporation membership
and in the presence
of a crowded gallery, is as follows
-
"I shall be as brief as possible. This is not an occasion for
many words,
least of all a conventional exchange of compliments and thanks. The circumstances of the
vacancy in the office of Lord Mayor governed inevitably the filling of it. And I
come here more as a soldier stepping into the breach, than as an administrator to fill the
first post in the municipality.
At a normal time it would be your duty to find for this post the councillor most
practical and experienced in public affairs. But the time is not normal. We see in
the manner in which our late Lord Mayor was murdered an attempt to terrify us all. Our
first duty is to answer that threat in
the only fitting manner by showing ourselves unterrified,
cool and inflexible for the fulfillment of our chief purpose— the establishment of the independence and integrity
of our country— the peace and the
happiness of our country. To that end I am here.
I was more closely associated
than any other here with our late murdered
friend and colleague, both before and since the events of Easter Week, in prison and out of it, in a common
work of love for Ireland, down to the hour of his
death. For that reason I take his place. It is, I think, though I say it, the only fitting answer to
those who struck him down (applause).
Following from that there is a further matter of importance only less great—it touches the efficient continuance of our civic administration. If this recent unbearable aggravation
of our persecution by our enemies
should cause us to suspend voluntarily the normal discharge of our duties, it
would help them very materially in their
campaign to overthrow our cause. I feel the question of the future conduct of our affairs is in all our minds. And I
think I am voicing the general view
when I say that the normal functions of our corporate body must proceed, as far as in our power lies,
uninterrupted, with that efficiency
and integrity of which our late civic head gave such brilliant promise. I don't wish to sound a personal
note, but this much may be permitted
under the circumstances—I made myself active in the selection of our late colleague for the office of Lord Mayor. He did not seek the honour and would not accept it as
such, but when put to him as a duty he
stepped to his place like a soldier. Before his election we discussed it together in the intimate way we discussed
everything touching our common work
since Easter Week. We debated together
what ought to be done and what could be done, keeping in mind, as in duty bound, not only the idea! line of
action but the practical line at the
moment as well. That line he followed with an ability and success all his own.
Gentlemen, you have paid tribute to him
on all sides. It will be my duty and steady purpose to follow that line as faithfully as in my power, though no
man in this Council could hope to
discharge its functions with his ability and his perfect grasp of public
business in all its details and as one harmonious whole (applause). I have thought it necessary to touch on this normal duty of ours, though—and it may seem strange to say
it—I feel at the moment it is even a
digression. For the menace of our enemies hangs over us, and the essential immediate purpose is to show the spirit that
animates us, and how we face the
future. Our spirit is but to be a more lively
manifestation of the spirit in which we began the year—to work for the city in a new zeal, inspired by our
initial act when we dedicated it and
formally attested our allegiance, to bring by our administration of the city,
glory to our allegiance, and by working for our city's advancement with constancy in all honourable ways,
in her new dignity as one of the
first cities in Ireland to work for and if need be to die for.
I would recall some words of mine on that day of
our first meeting after the election
of Lord Mayor. I realised that most of you in the minority here would be loyal
to us, if doing so did not threaten your lives; but that you lacked the spirit and the hope to join
with ns to complete the work of
liberation so well begun. I allude to it here again, because I wish to point
out again the secret of our strength and the assurance of our final victory. This contest of ours is not
on our side a rivalry of vengeance,
but one of endurance—it is not they who can inflict most but they who can suffer most will conquer—though
we do not abrogate our function to
demand and see that evil doers and murderers are punished for their
crimes. But. it is conceivable that they could interrupt our course for a time; then it becomes a question
simply of trust in God and
endurance. Those whose faith is strong will endure to the end and triumph. The shining hope of
our time is that the great majority of our people are now strong in that
faith. To you, gentlemen of the minority here, I would address a word. I ask you again to
take courage and
hope. To me it seems—and I don't say it to hurt you—that you have a lively faith in the
power of the devil, and but little faith in God. But God is over us and in His
divine intervention we have perfect trust. Anyone surveying the events in Ireland for the past five years must see that it is
approaching a miracle how our country has. been preserved. God has permitted this to
be, to try our spirits, to prove us worthy of a noble line, to prepare us for a great and
noble destiny. You
amongst us who have yet no vision of the future have been led astray by false
prophets. The liberty for which we to-day strive is a sacred thing—inseparably entwined as
body and soul with that spiritual liberty for which the saviour of men died, and
which is the inspiration and foundation of all just government. Because it is
sacred, and
death for it is akin to the sacrifice on Calvary, following far off but constant to that divine
example, in every generation our best and bravest have died.
Sometimes in our
grief we cry out foolish and unthinking words: ' the sacrifice is too great." But it
is because they were
our best and bravest that they had to die. No lesser sacrifice could save us. Because of it
our struggle is holy—our battle is sanctified by their blood, and our victory is assured
by their martyrdom. We,
taking up the work they left incomplete, confident in God, offer in turn sacrifice from ourselves.
It is not we who take innocent blood but we offer it, sustained by the example of our
immortal dead and that divine example which inspires us all for the redemption of
our country. Facing our enemies we must declare our attitude
simply. We ask for no mercy, and we will make
no compromise. But to the Divine Author of mercy we appeal for strength to
sustain us, whatever the persecution, that
we may bring our people victory in the end. The civilised world dare not
continue to look on indifferent. But if the rulers of earth fail us we
have yet sure succour in the Ruler of Heaven; and though to some impatient hearts His judgments seem slow, they
never fail, and when they fall they
are overwhelming and final."
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