Fenian Brotherhood in America

On June 1, 1866, a force of some eight hundred Fenians under the command of Colonel John O’ Neill crossed from Buffalo, New York into British ruled Canada. This number was but a shadow of a larger force that had been organized for the expedition. O’Neill and his men remained on Canadian soil for two days during which time they battled local militias. The prevention, by the United States authorities, of any reinforcements from joining the Fenian invaders forced their retreat. To the casual observer the whole affair might have seemed like an ill-conceived and utterly forgettable fiasco. On closer examination, however, it is clear that the events, both leading up to, and the events following, that summer had many profound effects. Both domestically, and internationally, four nations, the United States, Great Britain, Canada, and Ireland became embroiled in the struggle for Irish independence.

It was on United States territory that the whole affair was organized. The men who formed the Fenian army and carried out the invasion were Irish immigrants, and the sons of earlier waves of Irish immigrants, all imbued with a deep and passionate dislike for Britain and her involvement in Ireland. Unlike their counterparts across the Atlantic Irish nationalists in the United States could openly plot an armed attack on the forces of the British Empire. They were aided and abetted in this scheme not only by the popular and financial support of the large Irish-American community but also by the tacit approval of the United States administration. In the immediate aftermath of the Civil War President Andrew Johnson was willing to turn a blind eye to the Fenian plans. During the Civil War Britain had antagonized the United States with its granting of belligerency rights to the Confederacy. Of even greater harm was the British government’s unwillingness to prevent their shipyards from constructing and outfitting Confederate privateers. The tremendous havoc that they wreaked on Union shipping could not easily be forgotten. American politicians now saw the Fenian agitation as a well-deserved ‘tweaking of the lion’s tail’. One leading Fenian observed that they were like a bulldog held on a leash, with the Americans occasionally relaxing their grip to frighten Great Britain. It was a means of annoying the British without the government getting its hands dirty and also something that would have widespread support among the American public. The United States had no difficulty in allowing an army to be recruited on its soil, they even sold surplus weaponry and ammunition to the Fenians.

Domestically the United States was in no hurry to curb the Fenian plans. Politicians of both the Democratic and Republican parties acknowledged the strength and cohesiveness of the Irish-American voting bloc. In the Congressional elections of 1866 and the Presidential elections of 1868 this vote was considered crucial. "The struggle for the Irish vote, contested over the treatment of the Fenians, was the larger political battle in microcosm."The Irish had traditionally voted Democrat but, following the Civil War, Radical Republicans made a determined effort to win this vote for themselves. Johnson and the Democrats responded with their own show of support, although as the incumbent he was oftentimes compelled to act against the Fenians when they replaced talk with action.

For the Canadians the Fenian menace on their long, and undefended, border had a major impact. An internal debate on the future status of British North America was taking place in the mid-1860’s. A vote for Confederation would unite the provinces and give them dominion instead of colonial status .As long as Canada remained under direct British control it would always present itself as an appealing target to the large number of Irish nationalists to the south. The Fenian invasion of 1866 may have helped to galvanize Canadian support for Confederation. In 1865 New Brunswick had voted against the proposal, however, in 1866, after the failed invasion they voted for it. The largely amateurish military response also led to the revamping of the Canadian Army. Fenian activity within Canada, or even the perceived support of Irish-Canadians for the Fenian cause, led to a rise in communal tensions. In Toronto riots broke out between Irish Catholics and Orangemen. Even among Catholic Irish-Canadians there was internal dissension. Thomas D’Arcy McGee, one of the most prominent Irish politicians in Canada in the 1860’s, was assassinated by a Fenian supporter following a bitter electoral battle.

For Britain the Fenian invasion complicated the delicate nature of their relationship with the United States. Tension was high between the two powers. The British government was perturbed that the U.S. would permit the open violation of its own Neutrality Laws. Fenian invasions, both real or imaginary, were also costly both in terms of troop deployments and the state of fear along the border. Farmers moved their cattle inland, while many a Canadian youngster "was taught by his frightened-to-death mother, of a very different faith, to make the sign of the cross, so that when the Fenians arrived, he would be spared." The widespread anti-British feeling prevalent in the northern United States found expression in support for the Fenians and their saber-rattling. The British Foreign Secretary, Lord Stanley, said, " It is impossible to say what may happen in a country where the Irish vote is powerful and parties are utterly reckless of consequences if they can secure a momentary advantage."

The determination of Irish-Americans to fight for the independence of Ireland also kept the British authorities in Ireland on their toes. The Fenians had a parallel organization there, the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB). With the omnipresent threat of Irish-American guns, soldiers, and money reaching Ireland Britain was forced to take drastic measures. Habeas Corpus was suspended and many Irish activists along with Irish-American visitors were thrown into jail. Some of the latter were Irish-born but had become naturalized American citizens and this opened up a whole new controversy over naturalization rights. Britain insisted that it was impossible to change citizenship. The Americans argued differently, and the imprisonment and trial of many of these men, a good number of whom had fought with distinction in the Civil War, was another source of strife between the two countries.

The story of the Fenian invasion of Canada is a transatlantic one. An attempt by Irish-American nationalists to strike a blow for freedom. The Union Jack, a symbol of oppression, flew only a couple of hundred miles north of many of the centers of Irish population. By seizing Canada they hoped to establish a staging-post for a direct attack on Ireland. There was also the possibility of provoking war between the United States and Great Britain. The ideological roots of this scheme, and the first taste of violent rebellion for its main promoters, had begun in Ireland in 1848.

In that year , with famine stalking the land, a group of Irish patriots known as the Young Irelanders had led a small, but unsuccessful, revolt. These men were a breakaway from the mainstream, nationalist movement created by Daniel O’Connell. They disagreed with his pacifism and advocated a more militaristic approach. The rising that ensued in the summer of 1848 was a dismal failure but it did serve to keep alive the nascent flame of Irish freedom. As the Young Irelanders were rounded up and tried, or went into exile, they carried with them this flame. Two of these exiles lived together in Paris for four years. One was James Stephens who would , a few years later, organize the IRB in Ireland. The other man was John O’Mahony, who would eventually make his way to New York where he was asked by Stephens to found a sister organization to support the movement in Ireland. O’Mahony, a respected Gaelic scholar, named his group the Fenian Brotherhood after a legendary band of Irish warriors.

It was no surprise that Irish revolutionaries would look to New York for financial and logistical support. Huge numbers of Irish immigrants had flooded into New York, and the United States in general, both during and after the cataclysmic famine of 1845-1850. These immigrants brought with them a traditional contempt for British rule in Ireland. Many had more personal and bitter memories of dispossession and eviction from their smallholdings. Although mainly originating from the peasant base of Irish society they were nevertheless a politicized group. The mass movement created by Daniel O’Connell in his campaign for Catholic Emancipation, and later the repeal of the Act of Union with Great Britain, had seen to that. In the United States they used this experience and their vast numbers to become a powerful force in local politics.

Notwithstanding this immersion in domestic American politics the traditional interest in Ireland’s liberty remained as strong, if not stronger, than ever. R.V. Comerford suggests that "A significant proportion of the Irish immigrant masses found in demonstrative nationalism-in-exile an answer to some of their social and psychological needs in a strange and not very friendly environment." The openness of American society and government allowed this nationalism to be freely expressed, something that was not so easily done in Ireland. Furthermore the ideals of the American republic were an inspiration to the Irish and the solution they sought for their country. The homesickness and rosy memories of the typical immigrant would have strengthened patriotic ardor. Because the Irish tended to cluster together in the cities of the north-eastern United States they were easier and more willing to organize on a large scale.

Other factors also contributed to Irish-American involvement in affairs in Ireland. The Age of Steam had greatly reduced travel time across the Atlantic, thereby giving a more palpable sense of immediacy to transoceanic dealings. The laying of the transatlantic cable further added to this feeling. Exiles could keep abreast of the very latest happenings at home simply by picking up their morning newspaper. Furthermore the American political scene was quite volatile and the Irish were not the only interest group seeking to organize an armed force. Indeed "the 1850’s was the decade of the American filibuster; it saw Narcisco Lopez organize private expeditions to liberate Cuba, William Walker leading private armies against Nicaragua, and John Brown and his men attacking Harper’s Ferry."It was in this climate that the Fenian Brotherhood was born. The vast scale and continuous flow of Irish immigration helped to swell the ranks and fill the coffers of the Fenians. From 1841-1850 908,292 arrived while in the following decade, from 1851-1860, the figure was 989,880.Approximately 80% of these numbers would have been Catholic. Together with the American-born offspring of earlier waves this presented a formidable population base in the United States. Even before the rise of the Fenians American support for Daniel O’Connell had shown that moral and financial assistance was available for Ireland overseas.

Little wonder then that many of the leaders of the 1848 rising should eventually end up in the United States and especially New York City. Once again they took to organizing against the ancient foe. On November 29, 1853, John Mitchel, a Young Irelander who had escaped from imprisonment in Australia, arrived in New York to great fanfare. A talented journalist, he was seen as a worthy leader of the Irish movement. He immediately set about publishing a newspaper, the Citizen, devoted to Irish matters, but just as quickly got himself into hot water with Archbishop Hughes. He criticized the Church for its opposition to Irish liberty and also upheld the right of inhabitants of the Papal States to rebel against the Pope. The outbreak of the Crimean War in March, 1854, provided Mitchel with an opening to follow the old mantra of ‘England’s difficulty is Ireland’s opportunity.’ He published a letter in his newspaper the result of which "was the organization of the first definite pre-Fenian society in New York on April 13, 1854. This was called the ‘Irishmen’s Civil and Military Republican Movement,’ and it had for its objective the liberation of Ireland from the oppression of England."Overtures were made to the Russian consul in New York seeking assistance but these negotiations proved fruitless. The organization soon collapsed and Mitchel, whose newspaper was losing sales due to his feud with the Archbishop and his vehement pro-slavery position, packed up and moved to Tennessee. A similar group, the Emmet Monument Association, was formed in early 1855. Its membership drilled weekly in anticipation of the invasion and liberation of Ireland. The leaders of this group were John O’Mahony and Michael Doheny, both veterans of the 1848 rising. With the end of the Crimean War in March, 1856, this phase in Irish republicanism went quiet.

Although England might no longer be at war these men continued to plot rebellion against her. O’Mahony, Doheny and other prominent leaders realized that any organization they formed would have to have a counterpart in Ireland. To this end, in late 1857, John O’Mahony sent a messenger to James Stephens, his former co-exile in Paris who had since returned to Dublin. The message asked Stephens to form an organization in Ireland to secure Irish independence.Stephens, in turn, sent a messenger to New York declaring that he would and could undertake this task. His biggest need was money. With a subsidy of £100 a month from the United States he promised to raise "at least ten thousand men, of whom about fifteen hundred shall have firearms and the remainder pikes."The messenger, Joseph Denieffe, returned to Dublin on March 17, 1857, with $400 – a not inconsiderable sum given the Panic of 1857 and the large-scale unemployment of Irish laborers at that time. On the same day James Stephens founded the Irish Republican Brotherhood. He was not, however, happy with the amount of money coming from New York and in late 1858 he visited the United States personally. Once there he appointed John O’Mahony as head of the I.R.B. in America at a meeting in Tammany Hall.Stephens returned to Dublin in January, 1859, and around that time O’Mahony changed the name of the American branch to the Fenian Brotherhood .

Throughout 1859 O’Mahony organized Fenian circles and military regiments. These regiments often doubled as units of local state militias. An envoy from Dublin, John O’Leary, stumped the Midwest. Fenians were bound together by the following pledge: "I …….. solemnly pledge my sacred word of honor, as a truthful and honest man, that I will labor with earnest zeal for the liberation of Ireland from the yoke of England, and for the establishment of a free and independent Government on Irish soil; that I will implicitly obey the commands of my superior officers in the Fenian Brotherhood; that I will faithfully discharge the duties of membership as laid down in the constitutions and bye-laws thereof; that I will do my utmost to promote feelings of love, harmony, and kindly forbearance among all Irishmen; and that I will foster, defend, and propagate the aforesaid Fenian Brotherhood to the utmost of my power." The Fenians were to be a support group. Both O’Mahony and Stephens wanted the primary goal to be the creation, training, and arming of a large revolutionary body in Ireland. When the time came Irish-Americans would aid the I.R.B. with men and supplies. In 1860 O’Mahony himself traveled to Dublin to meet with Stephens. The two men agreed that the American organization would supply five thousand disciplined men and fifty thousand rifles.

The outbreak of the American Civil War quickly changed their plans. The young men who were the primary target of Fenian recruiters rushed to join the two armies. The famous 69th New York under Colonel Corcoran was one of the first heavily Irish units into the fray. General Thomas Francis Meagher, another 1848 exile, organized the Irish Brigade with regiments from New York, Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts. The Fenian militias that had begun forming in the summer of 1859 often joined wholesale. The 99th New York State Militia alone, which was known as the Phoenix or Fenian regiment, sent twelve hundred men into the Union Army. O’Mahony himself, in 1862, suspended his activities to lead a regiment to Elmira, New York, where they spent three months guarding Confederate prisoners.It is estimated that one hundred and fifty thousand Irish-born served in the Union forces. The Confederates also had a significant quota of Irish in their ranks. Seven distinct Irish companies wore the gray.While the war might have stalled Fenian plans for aiding rebel activity in Ireland it did offer some practical advantages. It meant that a very large number of Irishmen were gaining very valuable military training, discipline, and experience. Many of them were already committed Fenians. The Brotherhood would later give this experience, and the command structure that was in place, a central role in its plans for Ireland.

With the Civil War raging and both attention and manpower, not to mention financial support, suffering the Fenians felt that a large, public display of some kind would help to keep them in the public eye. Such an opportunity arose with the death, in San Francisco, in January, 1861, of Terence Bellew McManus. Although not a Fenian McManus was another exile from the 1848 rising. The Fenians in San Francisco decided to send his body to Ireland for burial. The journey offered a valuable, propaganda tool. The funeral party made its way solemnly through Irish communities all across the United States, before finally arriving in New York City on September, 15. Archbishop Hughes celebrated Mass in St.Patrick’s Cathedral, preaching in his sermon on the "right of an oppressed people to struggle for their liberty."Three days later McManus’s body, accompanied by a contingent of leading Fenians set sail for Ireland. Hughes’s counterpart in Dublin, Cardinal Cullen, was less than receptive. He forbade the use of any church for funeral services. However, his harshly conservative reaction towards the Fenians and the I.R.B. only increased their support. A massive crowd turned out for the funeral, with the cortege estimated to have been seven miles long.

The early 1860’s saw some friction arise between the Irish and American organizations. In Ireland James Stephens needed financial aid, ‘the sinews of war,’ to continue his work However, the Civil War was having a draining effect on the Fenians, fifty branches had disbanded because their membership had gone off to fight. The lack of assistance prompted Stephens to dispatch an envoy, Thomas Clarke Luby, to the United States to depose O’Mahony if necessary. Luby did not have the wherewithal to do so but he did establish contact with Fenians in the Mid-West who were disgruntled at O’Mahony’s seeming inaction. These Fenians, the so-called ‘men of action’, appealed to O’Mahony to call a general convention to address some of the difficulties that had arisen. The First National Convention of the Fenian Brotherhood opened in Chicago, on November 3, 1863. Eighty-two delegates, from twelve states, the District of Columbia, and the Armies of the Cumberland, Potomac, and Tennessee attended.O’Mahony succeeded in having a new constitution passed. He made the Brotherhood a more open and accountable organization with an elected leader and a central council. This American style of openness did not please Stephens who believed in the need for a single, strong leader to see through the work that needed to be done. Part of the reason for O’Mahony’s openness was to ward off any possible criticism from the Catholic hierarchy that they might be a secret, and therefore immoral, group. If the Fenians were an open organization then such criticism could be construed as political interference.

The ‘men of action’ in the Mid-west were still not happy with O’Mahony’s tactics. They organized a huge fair in Chicago, in March 1864, to raise funds. James Stephens was invited over from Ireland to attend. He then spent the summer touring the States organizing Fenian circles and promising "war or dissolution in 1865." He toured the Union Army enlisting Irish soldiers for a future invasion of Ireland. Before returning home he met with O’Mahony and they reached a compromise. More aid would be forthcoming to the I.R.B. and a Chicago Fenian would be appointed as a deputy to O’Mahony. Stephens was adamant that 1865 would be the year of action, claiming that he had eighty to eighty-five thousand men ready to rise up. The Second Fenian Convention was held in Cincinnati in January, 1865. This time 348 delegates were present representing 21 states, 4 territories, the Army and Navy and also Canada. O’Mahony did not feel that the time was right to issue the ‘final call’. This move was to be the precursor to a rising in Ireland with a special tax to raise extra funds and also the issuing of bonds for the long-awaited Irish Republic.

With the end of the Civil War O’Mahony began to send demobilized officers to Ireland. The arrival of groups of Irish-Americans wearing distinctive square-toed boots and felt hats set off alarm bells for the British authorities. These officers sent word back to O’Mahony in New York that it was indeed time to issue the ‘final call’. Meanwhile, in the United States momentum was growing for some form of action. Large-scale fundraising continued with over $228,000 being raised in 1865, mainly at mass meetings and picnics. Promises were made that privateers would be outfitted to attack British shipping on the high seas, just as Britain had allowed Confederate privateers to operate from its ports.

In October 1865 the Brotherhood held another convention, this time in Philadelphia. The presence of 600 delegates attested to the continuing growth of the Fenians, especially since the ending of the Civil War. At this convention the Central Council sought to reduce O’Mahony’s role as President, or Head Center. A fifteen man Senate was voted upon thereby claiming some of his powers. This Senate was comprised mainly of ‘men in action’, who were anxious that something be done. They rented out Moffat Mansion, at Union Square, for the princely sum of $1,000 a month, as their headquarters. From its window the Fenian flag, showing a harp and sunburst, flew. It was also at this time that the idea of a raid on Canada was proposed . The old revolutionary, John Mitchel, who had left New York in 1854 to go south was languishing in jail as a Confederate sympathizer. The Fenians wanted to appoint him as a financial agent in Paris to handle Fenian funds. In an effort to seek his release a delegation, led by Bernard Dorian Killian, visited President Johnson and Secretary of State, William Seward. Killian raised the possibility of a Fenian raid on Canada and extending the US border to the St. Lawrence. The two politicians were favorable, if not a little cautious. They refused to make any commitment but implied that they would accept accomplished facts. Killian reported this to the Philadelphia Convention. O’Mahony was skeptical. In a letter to Mitchel he said, "The Canadian raid I look upon as mere diversion . . . Unless it drag the United States into war with England it can only end in defeat to those that engage in it.".

The British Consul in New York warned the Canadian authorities of the newest Fenian plans. They dispatched a detective to New York to investigate further. He met with Archbishop McCloskey who said that he was opposed to the Fenian agitation and had been using the Catholic press to criticize them. Spies and informers were also recruited. They supplied information on Fenian plans and capabilities, including details of weaponry supplies. Seven thousand five hundred guns were being stored in New York City and artillery pieces were available to be purchased. Britain reacted by sending military supplies to Canada along with extra regiments of regular troops. Local volunteer militias were organized with nine companies being called to active service along the border with the United States. Canadian Orangemen were vigorous in their denunciations of Fenianism and were strongly urged to join the militias. Irish Catholic Canadians were viewed with suspicion.

By late 1865 the Fenian Senate was busy making plans. A Civil War veteran, General "Fighting Tom" Sweeny had been appointed Fenian Secretary of War. He had arrived in the US as a boy and had led a distinguished military career, losing an arm at Churubusco during the Mexican War. Indeed he was lucky to be alive at all. On the emigrant ship from Ireland he had been swept overboard into the Atlantic where he survived 35 minutes before being pulled out by crew members. He set to work in the Fenian cause with great energy, organizing the army of the Irish Republic. A strong chain of command was implemented, with subordinate branches such as quartermaster, engineering, paymaster and medical. Candidates for commission were interviewed by a board of military examination composed of three Fenian veterans of the Civil War. Officers going to Ireland would receive 6 months pay, 3 months in US currency and 3 months in bonds of the Irish Republic. Each state had to forward on a monthly basis to headquarters a detailed list of manpower and their preparedness.

The rift that was developing between O’Mahony and the Senate exploded in December 1865. The spark was the issuing of bonds, but the real source of strife was O'Mahony’s reluctance to engage in, as he saw it, rash or risky schemes. When the split occurred O’Mahony threw the Senate wing out of Moffat Mansion. They relocated only a few blocks away to 706 Broadway. James Stephens who, like O’Mahony, believed that their efforts should be concentrated on Ireland, lent his support to his old comrade. The two wings now raced to win the support of the rank-and-file General Sweeny remained with the Senate faction and continued his war preparations. He had $50,000 for arms and $5,000 for payroll that had been given to him at the Philadelphia Convention. He sent a Col. Doyle to Malone, New York to scout the border.

O’Mahony sought to shore up his support by calling a convention for January 3, 1866 in New York. He rescinded many of the changes in governing made at the Chicago convention, restoring more power to himself and reducing the democratic ethos of the organization as it was seen to be too cumbersome for a body planning an armed revolution. O’Mahony who was a colonel in the ninety-ninth New York National Guard had some of his men, armed and in battle array, guard the convention site to prevent either intruders from the senate wing or British spies from encroaching. He also had the convention agree to drop the idea of the proposed Canadian invasion and instead concentrate on supporting a rising in Ireland.

Meanwhile the Senate wing, under its President, General William Roberts met on January 18, 1866. Roberts and the Secretary of War, General Sweeney, left on a tour of the Mid-West breathing fire and brimstone and generally promising war against the "traditional and actual enemy ……. with 50,000 men we can sweep Johnny Bull into the sea." Roberts was known as a fiery orator, adept at using military imagery to stir up the passions of his audience. He also revealed some of the strategy behind their plans. "If we can get a foothold on which to raise the Irish flag, we shall be recognized." On February 19, the Senate wing convened the Fourth National Fenian Congress at Pittsburgh. General Sweeny outlined his plan which was adopted by a vote of 44 to 4. The promise of upcoming action by this wing of the Fenian movement proved attractive to many of the rank-and-file who were itching for a fight. O’Mahony realized the threat to his support and intensified his preparations for sending men and supplies to Ireland to arm and lead a rebellion there.

Meanwhile in Ireland, on February 18, 1866 the British authorities suspended Habeas Corpus in the face of ever-increasing unrest and suspicion. The steady arrival of an estimated 500 Irish-Americans along with Irishmen from England and Scotland had become a major source of concern. In the first week alone forty-five Irish-American veterans were arrested. Some were native born Americans while others were naturalized citizens. The British did not recognize the naturalization process and instead held to the old theory of ‘indefeasible allegiance.’ These wholesale arrests became a source of conflict between the United States and Britain and also helped to raise the excitement amongst Irish communities in the United States to fever pitch. John O’Mahony and his supporters organized a mass meeting at Jones Wood in New York City on March 4, at which an estimated 100,000 sympathizers showed up. This was despite the issuance of a circular by Archbishop McCloskey read at all Masses that morning condemning the gathering. Sales of bonds and donations steadily increased.

As the month of March progressed O’Mahony became concerned that he might be trumped by the Senate wing and their proposed invasion of Canada. The recent events in Ireland and growing support for Roberts did not help his planning. By the end of the month he decided to take a leaf from their book and hopefully beat them to the punch. The man who had originally proposed a move on Canada, Bernard Dorian Killian had remained loyal to O’Mahony after the split. His proposal had been to invade Campo Bello, a small island off the coast of Maine. The island was claimed by both the United States and Great Britain and, therefore, was seen as technically neutral. O’Mahony now conceded to this plan and on March 31 a circular was distributed calling for men and material to be assembled in New York City. Killian went ahead and purchased an old Confederate vessel which became the first ship of the Irish Republican Navy.

By early April hundreds of Fenians had begun arriving in Eastport, Maine under the guise of holding a convention. Their intention was to seize Campo Bello and use it as a staging ground for raising an army to send to Ireland and also as a base for privateers to attack British shipping. Informers in the Fenian ranks, however, had alerted the British Consul Edward Archibald in New York and the British Ambassador, in Washington, Sir Frederick Bruce. The plan of attack also reached the newspapers who printed all the details. Secretary of the Navy Gideon Welles sent a steamer, the Winooski, to the scene while Secretary of War Stanton sent troops under the command of General George Meade. The British also had 6 warships closeby. The United States authorities were reluctant to act against the Fenians for fear of jeopardizing potential votes. The ongoing friction between the United States and Great Britain, exacerbated by the arrest of Irish-American civil war veterans in Ireland, was a factor in this reluctance. However, after a band of Fenians landed on nearby Indian Island and burned down a store owned by a British subject the American authorities moved to seize the Fenian ship and its five hundred stand of arms. The Fenians gathered in Eastport were dispersed and left the area.

The abject failure of the Campo Bello expedition was a tremendous blow to O’Mahony. Not only had $40,000 been wasted but the prestige of his wing of the Fenian movement had been greatly hurt. O’Mahony himself came in for a lot of criticism. Only the imminent arrival of James Stephens from Ireland saved him from being deposed. With this defeat the Senate wing now took centerstage. General Sweeny’s plan was to take ten thousand men across the ice the following winter, however, his colleagues were resolved to strike much sooner. Fenian honor had to be redeemed. An Irish National War Fund was set up, with $100,000 being raised at short notice. Some 4,220 muskets were bought in Philadelphia at the government’s Bridesburg Arsenal. The Fenian Sisterhood organized the Irish Sanitary Commission to prepare for battle casualties. Stores of rifles and muskets were transported to Fenians living along the border. One thousand of them went to Buffalo which was to play a major role in the Fenian plans. These plans called for a five-pronged attack from Chicago, Milwaukee, Buffalo, Vermont and along the St. Lawrence River.

On May 10, Sweeny issued orders for preparations to begin. Fenians in Buffalo were busy drilling and readying themselves for an expected five thousand men. Fenian regiments around the country began to assemble. The scale of the plans now underway and the vigilance of the British and Canadians made secrecy impossible. Informers and spies were everywhere. Ambassador Bruce was able to write to Secretary of State Seward on May 11, giving details of the shipment of guns to border areas. General Meade was once again dispatched to the border and began to seize arms. Problems also arose in other areas for the Fenians. General Tevis, the man chosen to lead the left-wing of the attack from Chicago and Milwaukee reported that no transportation could be secured and that only half of the 3,000 men promised actually mustered. Kentucky and Tennessee regiments of Fenians heading in his direction were ordered on to Buffalo.

The arrival of hundreds of Fenians in Buffalo did not unduly worry the British authorities. On May 19, the British Consul in Buffalo wrote that "Fenianism may be considered as virtually dead." The seizure of arms and other logistical problems appeared to be too damaging, as was the earlier split in the Fenian movement. Also previous false alerts had lulled them into a false sense of security. While the full thrust of the Fenian plans had been weakened there was still life left in them. The 13th Tennessee Regiment under Col. John O’Neill, the 17th Kentucky Regiment under Col. Owen Starr, together with 18th Ohio regiment and the 7th New York regiment of the Irish Republican Army gathered in Buffalo. On June 1, under the command of Col. O’Neill these regiments, totaling some 800 men, crossed the Niagara River thereby commencing the long-awaited invasion of British North America. O’Neill's immediate plan was to capture the Welland Canal which connected Lakes Erie and Ontario.

On May 31, the Canadian authorities had finally called out fourteen thousand militia members. Some two thousand five hundred and fifty of them were positioned at either end of the canal. Seventeen hundred were at the north end under the command of Col. George Peacocke. They included British regulars and a six-gun field battery. At the south end Lt. Col. Alfred Booker had eight hundred and fifty inexperienced men, many of them college students, and no artillery. Colonel O’Neill intercepted Booker and his Queen’s Own Rifles at Ridgeway where a battle ensued. During the course of this battle the Canadians mistook Fenian scouts on horseback for an approaching cavalry charge and retreated. A Fenian bayonet charge routed them. Ten militia men died in this encounter, with three more later succumbing to sunstroke. The Fenians lost nine men with sixteen wounded. Knowing he was being pursued by a larger force O’Neill retraced his steps back to Ft. Erie and the Niagara River. Another encounter with militias there left four more Fenians dead. By now three thousand Fenian reinforcements were across the border in Buffalo. The U.S. Revenue cutter Michigan, however, was patrolling the river and preventing their crossing over. On June 3, with the situation hopeless, O’Neill ordered his men to evacuate and return to the United States. The Michigan intercepted the Fenian barges and placed everybody under arrest.

With the ending of affairs in Buffalo attention turned to the other Fenians gathered at Malone, New York and St. Albans, Vermont. General Meade was ordered to the area to take control. He reported large numbers of men and weapons arriving. On June 6, President Johnson issued a Proclamation "warning good citizens against taking part in or aiding a military expedition in preparation against colonies of British North America."Secretary of War Stanton sought the advice of General Ulysses Grant who said that the leaders should be arrested. General Roberts, President of the Fenian Senate, was duly arrested the following day. That same day, June 6, a force of one thousand Fenians, led by West Point graduate General Samuel Spear, made a brief foray across the border capturing a British flag. The Fenian threat soon began to fade, however. General Meade forced the return of most of the Fenians to their homes . Boss Tweed and Mayor Hoffman of New York, together with the Federal government, paid for most of the return passages. Fenians who resisted Meade’s efforts found themselves arrested.

The heady excitement generated in the United States, especially amongst the Irish-American communities, continued for some time. Huge press coverage was given to every turn of events. Before his arrest General Roberts had issued a rousing proclamation urging the Fenians on to victory, "if you but discharge your duty to your native land, our victory is certain, God and justice are on our side. Have iron wills and brave hearts, and Ireland will once more be great, glorious and free."A recruiting station was opened at Tammany Hall with the intention of immediately recruiting five thousand men. Large groups gathered outside the Fenian headquarters and at City Hall. There was speculation that the Buffalo raid had been a mere diversion in anticipation of a far larger invasion. General Sweeny, Fenian Secretary of War, was reported as having left for the border, ironically sharing the same train with General Meade.

In truth the Fenians had peaked. The intervention of the United States forces in support of the Neutrality Laws of 1818 had ended any possibility of Fenian success. Their own complex plans had also failed them. General Roberts, who sought martyr status by refusing to post bail was quickly released on June 15. A week later, at a mass meeting at Union Square, he laid the blame for the failure squarely at the feet of the Johnson administration, while at the same time promising that the invasion attempt would be tried again.

Meanwhile, James Stephens, the I.R.B. leader, had arrived in New York. The two wings of the Fenian Brotherhood had both seen their endeavors end in failure. Stephens accepted the resignation of John O’Mahony from the main branch and denounced Roberts and the Senate wing for their mistaken tactic of attacking the British in North America and not in Ireland. He met Secretary of State Seward on June 9, and toured the country, once again promising imminent war in Ireland. He believed that Roberts had been more interested in selling the Irish vote for political expediency than truly considering what was best for Ireland.

This political gamesmanship became more evident than ever in the wake of the Fenian invasion. The post-Civil War battles over Reconstruction between Democratic President Johnson and the Republican Congress were in full flight. The large Irish vote was crucial to the two sides. Congressional elections were coming up in the fall of that year, 1866. Both parties were determined to appear supportive of Fenianism and the liberation of Ireland. They had nothing to lose and everything to gain, especially given the Anglophobia that was so prevalent then. Immediately following his release from jail in New York General Roberts traveled to Washington where he was hosted by leading Republicans, most notably Schulyer Colfax, a Radical Republican and the Speaker of the House of Representatives.The political marriage of Roberts and his wing with the Radical Republicans was a mutual attempt to undermine President Roberts. The Fenians held him responsible for their lack of success, while the Republicans wanted to enact their agenda for Reconstruction.

As early as June 4, a mere three days after the invasion began, a bill granting belligerency rights to the Irish nation was introduced into the House. It was finally defeated on July 2. A subsequent measure, House Bill 806, calling for a watering down of the Neutrality Laws was introduced in mid-July by General Nathaniel Banks of Massachusetts. It passed on a vote of one hundred and thirty-two to zero, with sixty-four abstentions.It ended up on the floor of the Senate through the efforts of Senator Charles Sumner. All the while the political stumping continued. General Roberts toured New York and Ohio denouncing Johnson, loudly declaring that "Irishmen ought to be strangled" if they voted for him. Colonel John O’Neill added that the invasion had failed due to "fire in the rear and not in the front."Not all Fenians were so willing to turn against the Democrats. General Sweeny defended Johnson at a Fenian convention in Troy. It cost him his bid for re-election to the post of Secretary of War at the same meeting. Another vigorous defender of the President was James Stephens. Still angry with the Senate wing and their invasion he declared that Johnson had had no choice in the matter.

President Johnson, meanwhile, was also seeking to curry the Irish vote. In August he had all charges against Roberts and his followers dropped. The large number of weapons confiscated were returned in September with the stipulation that they not be used against a friendly power. The issue of captured Fenians also loomed large. Canadians were upset at both the loss of life and the cost incurred in repelling the invasion. Popular opinion, north of the border, was that captured Fenians should pay dearly. The United States government, however, was aware that any executions or harsh prison sentences would inflame the already agitated Irish community. Another serious issue was the continued holding of Irish-Americans, by the British, in Ireland following the suspension of Habeas Corpus. Diplomatic correspondence on these matters flew between the two governments. When the elections were held the Republicans did gain some extra support, especially in New York and Ohio, both Fenian strongholds. This political shift, however, did not constitute a landslide.

The friction between the United States and Great Britain had always been a significant part of the whole Fenian question. Both the United States and the Fenians were willing to use each other to achieve their own ends. Fenianism saw in the United States, not only a protector, but also a possible ally if an Irish Republic were declared and hostilities commenced. There was a possibility that they might be drawn into a war with Britain. On the other hand, American politicians saw in the Fenians a relatively safe means of making life uncomfortable for the British. The Fenian agitation could be allowed enough free rein to be a menace but the United States could, and did, intervene when things threatened to boil over.

In 1866 the United States had plenty of cause to feel aggrieved with Great Britain. Throughout the Civil War they had lent their support to the Confederate cause. Belligerency status had been granted and privateers had been built at British shipyards. Despite the protests of Charles Francis Adams, American minister to the Court of St. James, ships such as the Shenandoah and Alabama inflicted severe damage on Union shipping. This animosity had been evident since 1861 when the British steamer Trent was stopped on the high seas by the U.S. Navy and two Southern commissioners removed.The raid on St. Albans, Vermont by a band of Confederates based in Canada had also upset the United States. The increasing strength of the Fenian movement and its open toleration by the administration eventually drew a reaction from the British. Lord Russell, their Foreign Secretary, protested in January, 1865, the granting of leave to officers of the Army of the Potomac to attend the Fenian Convention in Cincinnati.Russell tried to both defend his government’s actions and also criticize the United States by contrasting "the proceedings of the Confederate agents in this country; which are conducted with the utmost secrecy," with the "hostile declarations against the peace and security of the Queen’s Dominions…….passed in public meetings held in the United States."William Seward refused the bait, he described the Fenians as being protected by their constitutional rights and refused to be drawn into "an argument of recrimination," comparing American and British grievances.

With the end of the Civil War many of the Irish and Irish-American officers who had served began to make their way to Ireland. James Stephens had promised that 1865 would be the year of action. The increase in tension led to Secretary of State Seward sending his Ambassador in London to tour Ireland in September, 1865, to gauge the level of discontentment. He observed that emigration was leaving "a great and festering sore" and that "the sense of oppression is aggravated by the distinction of religious faith which marks the Roman Catholic as of the servile class as distinctly as the negroes are marked by color with us."The arrival of some five hundred veterans, together with the increasing tension in Ireland, caused the British authorities to suspend Habeas Corpus on February 17, 1866. Lord Russell told parliament the reason was that "towards the end of the American war the Irish residents in America formed themselves into a vast conspiracy …….….sometimes an invasion of Ireland and at other times an invasion of Canada was threatened."

The mass arrests of large numbers of Civil War veterans set off a new round of acrimonious correspondence between the two countries. Britain, in keeping with an older European belief, refused to accept the concept of naturalized citizenship, claiming instead ‘indefeasibility of allegiance.’ Seward’s reaction to this was that if they treated these men as British subjects then the whole Fenian issue would be seen as a British, and not an American, problem. In other words the Americans would take no steps to thwart Fenian plans. Just as Britain had claimed to be acting under its laws of neutrality in not curbing Confederate activities so too would the United States desist from interfering in plans to usurp British control in either Canada or Ireland. Seward also warned the new British Foreign Secretary, Earl Clarendon, that open disagreement between the two countries would only aid the Fenian cause.

The Fenians, of course, were more than able to help themselves. Following their June 1 invasion the diplomatic wrangling took a new turn. Both governments had been caught somewhat flatfooted in not anticipating the serious likelihood of action being taken by the Senate wing of the Fenians. The British Ambassador, Sir Frederick Bruce, met with Seward on June 4. He asked for action to be taken against the Fenians, including the arrest of their leaders. The flow of Fenian reinforcements streaming towards the border coupled with the resolution introduced in the House that day, by Rep. Clarke of Ohio, seeking belligerency status for the Irish, were clear indications that the Fenian threat had not fully subsided. In a private letter from Bruce to Seward, written on June 5, Bruce wondered "why the United States government does not issue a proclamation warning people against joining the proceedings."The next day, June 6, President Johnson issued his Proclamation. This ending of the American policy of laissez-faire towards the Fenians did not signal a general healing of the Anglo-American rift. The upcoming elections and the importance of the Irish vote made it impossible for American politicians to be anything other than sympathetic to Fenianism. Under pressure from Radical Republicans, and the Fenian leaders, President Johnson had both his Secretary of State and Ambassador in London press for the release of the Fenian prisoners in Canada and Ireland. During July and August the prisoners in Ireland who agreed to return to the United States were released.

The Fenian prisoners in Canada were in a stickier position. The Canadians were not so inclined to be lenient. On October 9, their trials began. By November 17 seven Fenians had been sentenced to death, one of them was a Catholic priest, Rev John McMahon, and his sentencing especially drew cries of outrage. New York Fenians wanted to hang the British Consul in revenge. A Protestant clergyman, who was one of the Fenian prisoners, had been acquitted within twenty-four hours of the start of his trial. Protests of bigotry and discrimination flew. However, the idea of Irish martyrs appealed to nobody. Seward urged Bruce to bring the matter before the British Home Office. On March 4, 1867, the death sentences were commuted to twenty years imprisonment. Two years later the prisoners were released. It was not until 1870 that Anglo-American relations improved with the signing of a Naturalization Treaty and the formation of a Joint High Commission on the Alabama claims.

Interestingly, Irish Canada, which had a large population, both Protestant and Catholic, played no major active role in supporting the Fenian invasion plans. Support for the nationalist cause existed but the threatened invasion of Canada made life uncomfortable for the Catholic minority. Allied with this was the staunch opposition of Thomas D’Arcy McGee, himself an exiled leader of the 1848 rising in Ireland. He had first settled in the United States but moved north to Canada. By May, 1857, he was telling Irish emigrants of the benefits of moving to Canada, "The British provinces of North America are not necessarily miserable because the British flag flies at Quebec. That flag without feudal landlordism, without a national debt, without a state church, is shorn of its worst terrors."He argued that Catholics were better off in Canada than in the United States where the Know-Nothings and the secular state were a threat. This opinion upset Irish republicans in New York.

Irish Catholics in Canada tended to follow pacifist, constitutional, O’Connellite politics more than the vehement republicanism espoused by their kin to the south. There position in Canadian society reflected this difference in outlook. Irish Catholics were outnumbered 2:1 by Irish Protestants in 19th century Canada. As a distinct minority in a strongly British society they could not afford to rock the boat. Even so they did suffer attack at the hands of the majority. On St. Patrick’s Day, 1858, the very day that James Stephens founded the I.R.B., an Irish Catholic was killed by a mob of Orangemen in Toronto. Following this outrage the Hibernian Benevolent Society, led by Michael Murphy, was set up.

At first the group maintained its independence from American Fenianism, organizing itself as a society concerned only with welfare matters. However, with the growth of Fenianism, some Irish-Canadians did become involved. The ever present Catholic/Protestant hostility came to the fore once again on Guy Fawkes Day, November 5, 1864. Toronto Orangemen threatened to burn effigies of the Pope and Daniel O’Connell. Michael Murphy organized the Hibernians to assemble and defend their community. Four hundred armed and masked Hibernians turned out, giving Toronto a Fenian-style scare. Tensions rose higher following this display. The Hibernians protested that they were "neither Fenians, rebels, or members of a secret society." The Orangemen, however, spread rumors that Catholic churches were being used to drill and that Orange Halls were to be burnt down as part of a conspiracy.

Thomas D’Arcy McGee came out strongly against Fenianism, calling it an obstacle to religious equality and "the enemy of the Irish cause in our time."McGee, by now, had risen to the post of Minister for Agriculture and Immigration. On a ministerial visit to the International Exhibition in Dublin, in May, 1865, he not only condemned the Fenians but went so far as to describe his activities in 1848 as mere folly. This position left him as a main target for Fenian vitriol. A leading Buffalo Fenian, Patrick O’Dea, offered $1,000 for his head. McGee eventually paid for his anti-Fenianism with his life. On April 8, 1868 a Fenian bullet struck him down.

Meanwhile, Murphy and his Hibernians became more aggressive, incurring the wrath of the local bishops. By late 1865, with some of the Fenians in the United States advocating invasion Orangemen were being urged to join local militias. When, in December, the Fenian movement split over the issue of invading Canada, Murphy sided with John O’Mahony and his intention to concentrate on a rising in Ireland. The Canadian authorities were not so convinced. They suspected that the Fenians would launch a surprise raid to coincide with the 1866 St. Patrick’s Day parade, and inevitable rioting. McGee urged Bishop Lynch to ban the parade. He didn’t, but instead issued a stern warning to his flock, urging them to defend their border against lawless Fenians. The Hibernians came out and proclaimed their loyalty to Canada. That day six hundred of them paraded, but without banners or a priest. Just the following month, when O’Mahony’s wing gathered to invade Campo Bello the ‘loyal’ Murphy and a group of supporters were arrested on board a train heading to the action. This was the only attempt by Irish-Canadians to support an invasion. When the Senate wing invaded on June 1, there was no ‘fifth column’ ready to move.

One of the major impacts of Fenianism on Canadian society was its apparent influence in securing a yes vote for Confederation in 1867. Prior to the 1866 invasion the Maritime Provinces had been anti-Confederation. However, Confederation came to be associated with loyalty to Canada. By having the British leave the Canadians would rid themselves of the target of Fenian ire. Annexation by the United States had also been proposed as an alternative during the debates. Bishop Connolly of Halifax was quick to point out that Irish Catholics were not pro-annexation, and implicitly anti-republican. Some anti-Confederationists saw the Fenian threat as a ploy by the Confederationists to scaremonger and thereby increase support for their position.Bernard Dorian Killian, the man who proposed and led the Campo Bello expedition, had worked as a journalist in New York with the pro-Confederation Thomas D’Arcy McGee before McGee packed up and left for Canada. At the time of the expedition Killian had said that it was their Fenian duty to wreck Confederation by introducing republicanism to Canada. Some saw the hand of McGee behind this statement.

Whether or not such speculation was true it did reflect the enormous impact of the Fenian Brotherhood during the 1860’s, not only on Canada but also on the other nations affected by their actions. Ultimately, however, despite this impact the Fenians failed in their primary objective, the liberation of Ireland from British rule. They did not lack for support among the legions of Irish immigrants but they did suffer from internal shortcomings and external restrictions. Internally the split between O’Mahony and the Senate wing over the desire to move sooner rather than later was very damaging. Not only was it a rebuff to O’Mahony’s leadership but it diverted attention away from the struggle in Ireland. Both sides expended valuable resources, and their prestige, in invasions of Canada that were doomed to fail. Another serious problem for the Fenians was their inability to keep their war plans secret. Riddled with spies, informers, and traitors the British and American authorities were well aware of their capabilities and intentions. The opposition of the Catholic hierarchy also created problems.

Externally, the Fenians were at the mercy of an American government fresh from the horrors, and cost, of a bloody civil war. America, whatever its feelings about Great Britain, was not about to run the risk of being dragged into a war with that country. While politicians of both parties in the United States fell over themselves in an effort to win the Irish-American vote, in the end, it was only a political ploy. Politicians also used the Fenian threat to appeal to the widespread Anglophobia of mainstream America in the wake of the Civil War.

In spite of all these problems the Fenians were still a force to be reckoned with. In many ways they rode the crest of a wave. The huge number of Irish in the United States; the ending of the Civil War which left tension running high between the United States and Great Britain and also created a wellspring of trained Irish veterans; the importance of the Irish vote; the Confederation debate in British North America; all of these factors contributed to the influence that the Fenians exerted at that time. The threat of a large force of Irishmen, determined to avenge an ancient wrong, was one that nobody could, or did, treat lightly. Even if they failed in 1866 they kept the spirit alive, both among the Diaspora and at home; from further invasion attempts in 1870 and 1871, to the Easter Rising of 1916 and beyond.

By Mícheál Moloney

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